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PROCEEDINGS 



T MM SSSTH1, 

HELD IN THE 

LARGE SALOON OF THE CHINESE MUSEUM, 

PHILADELPHIA, 

On the 21st of November, 1850, 

Under a call signed by upwards of Five Thousand Citizens, 
whose Names are appended to the Procedings; 

CONTAINING THE 

Speeches of John Sergeant, Geo* M. Dallas, Joslah Randall, Joseph 
R. Ingcrsolh Richard Rush, James Page, and Isaac Hazlehurat* 

ALSO, 

Letters from Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, James Buchanan, Lewis Cass, 
Daniel S. Dickinson, James Cooper, and Robert J. Walker. 



PUBLISHED BY THE COMMITTEE. 







PROCEEDINGS 



OP 



THE GREAT UNION MEETING * 6 ? 

HELD IN THE 

LARGE SALOON OF THE CHINESE MUSEUM, 
PHILADELPHIA, 

On the 21st of November, 1850. 

UNDER A CALL SIGNED BY UPWARDS OF 

FIVE THOUSAND CITIZENS, 

Whose Names are Appended to the Proceedings. 



PUBLISHED BY THE COMMITTEE. 



PHILADELPHIA : 

B. Mifflin, Printer, No. 74 Walnut Street. 

1850. 



2^3 
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3 &4 



Philadelphia, November 5, 1850. 

At a meeting preliminary to one anticipated by a general call upon the citizens, without dis- 
tinction of party, as the friends of the Union, and for sustaining the Supremacy of the Laws, 
held at the Columbia House, on Tuesday Evening, November 5th, 1850, there were present — 

Dr. Robert Hare, Josiah Randall, Col. James Page, Gen. Robert Patterson, Col. John Thomp- 
son, John C. Montgomery, Charles Macalester, John S. Riddle, Dr. J. K. Mitchell, Dr. S. Jack- 
son. Wm. B. Reed, Vincent L. Bradford, Win. English, D. Dougherty, John Oakford, Freeman 
Scott, Isaac Ha zlehurst, Charles Ingersoll, Charles S. Riche, Moncure Robinson, R.M.Lee, 
John M. Scott, A. V. Parsons, E. D. Ingraham. A. J. Anderson. B. H. Brewster, A. Cummings, 
Gideon G. Westcott, T. H. Buckman, Charles Gibbons, J. T. Mather, Dr. I. N. Marsellis, Chas. 
J. Biddle, P. J. Grund, Winthrop Sargent. 

JOHN M. SCOTT was called to the Chair, and A. V. PARSONS was appointed Secretary. 

A copy of the call of the General Meeting was read by the Chairman, when on motion of Col. 
James Page, it was 

Resolved, That there be a Committee appointed to fix a time and place for the General Pub- 
lic Meeting of the Citizens, as indicated by the call ; also, to act as a General Committee of Su- 
perintendence. Second : A Committee to prepare Resolutions to be submitted to said meeing. 
Third : A Committee to select proper persons to be nominated as Officers, to select Speakers, 
and give invitations to strangers to the said General Meeting. And fourth : A Committee of 
Finance; which several Committees should be required to report to an adjourned preliminary 
meeting. 

On motion of Charles Macalester, seconded by A. Cummings, it was 

Resolved, That there be a Committee of Twenty appointed by the Chairman and Secretary, 
for the purpose of procuring additional signatures to the general call for the meeting, in order 
that all our citizens friendly to the objects of the meeting might have an opportunity of testi- 
fying their approbation of the same. 

On motion, the meeting was adjourned to Friday Evening next, at 7 o'clock, at the Columbia 
House. 

Adjourned meeting, held on Friday Evening, November 7th, 1850, at the Columbia House. J. 
M. SCOTT in the Chair. The Secretary read the minutes of the last meeting, and the Chair- 
man reported the names of the gentlemen placed on the Committees, as follows: 

Of Superintendence — Gen. Robert Patterson, Moncure Robinson, Geo. H. Martin, Gen. John 
Bennett, Freeman Scott, Charles Gibbons. 

To Nominate Officers, &c. — Josiah Randall, Col. John W. Forney, John S. Riddle, Robert M. 
Lee, Isaac Hazlehurst, Charles Ingersoll. 

To Prepare Resolutions — Col. James Page, J. R. Ingersoll, John Cadwalader, Wm. B. Reed, 
Hon. Joel Jones, Hon. Peter McCall. 

On Finance — John C. Montgomery, Gideon G. Westcott. 

Committee of Twentt — Charles Macalester, Winthrop Sargent, Harrison Smith, John Lind- 
say, William Craig, Edward Ingersoll, Joseph Swift, J. Fisher Learning, Col. John Thompson, 
George T. Lewis, Charles J. Biddle, John J. McCahen, Thomas Allibone, John Oakford. J. K. 
Mitchell, Joseph M. Thomas, William English, P. Barry Hayes, William Rawle, jr., Joseph B. 
Lapsley. 

On motion, the meeting adjourned. 

JOHN M. SCOTT, Chairman. 
A. V. PARSONS, Secretary. 



GREAT UNION MEETING. 



"THE UNION MUST AND SHALL BE 
PRESERVED." 

A GENERAL MEETING of the Citizens of the City and 
County of Philadelphia, will be held at the CHINESE MUSEUM 
on THURSDAY, the 21st inst. at 7 o'clock P. M., for the purpose 
of affirming their allegiance to the CONSTITUTION and LAWS 
of OUR COUNTRY! 

Philadelphians ! Respect for the rights of our sister States, and 
a fraternal regard for the general welfare of the American People, 
are sentiments which are dear to us, and which have always con- 
trolled our action as citizens. 

We live on the spot where the Nation was born, and with one 
accord and one heart, let us proclaim our unchanged devotion to 
OUR GLORIOUS UNION ! 

The meeting will be addressed by John Sergeant, George M. Dal- 
las, Josiah Randall, Richard Rush, Joseph R. Ingersoll, J. Hazle- 
hurst, James Page and Charles Gibbons. 

November 24, 1850. 



In pursuance of the foregoing invitation, the Great Saloon of the 
Chinese Museum was crowded by citizens of Philadelphia very early 
in the evening. Thousands of persons who did not reach the place 
of meeting until after the hour at which it was announced to be 
held, found it impossible to enter the building in consequence of 
the multitude who thronged it, or to get within sight or hearing of 
the rostrum. The National banner was displayed in various parts 
of the Hall. A full band of music increased the excitement and 
enthusiasm of the occasion by the fine performance of our old 
national airs, which revived the recollections of the past, when the 
people of the several States knew each other only as brethren, and 
formed the happy Union under which all have prospered. 

Major General Robert Patterson ascended the platform at 7 o'- 
clock, and after reading the call of the meeting, nominated as the 
President, the 

HON. JOHN SERGEANT, 
which nomination was unanimously and cordially approved, and 
Mr. Sergeant was welcomed to his seat by the hearty and prolong- 
ed cheering of the multitude. 



John S. Riddle, Esq., then nominated the following gentlemen 
as Vice Presidents and Secretaries of the meeting, to wit : 
VICE PRESIDENTS. 



Belsterling, 



Gen. Robert Patterson, 
Gideon Scull, 
Thomas B. Florence, 
John B. Myers, 
Henry Horn, 
Joseph R. Chandler, 
James Page, 
Joseph R. Ingersoll, 
Joseph Ripka, 
John A. Brown, 
John Bennett, 
Lawrence Shuster, 
JohnF 
Samuel Allen, 
A. L. Roumfort, 
James Bell, 
George H. Martin, 
Joseph G. Clarkson, 
R. F. Loper, 
Hugh Campbell, 
William Deal, 
Dr. Samuel Jackson, 
Robert Ewing, 
David Woelper, 
James Landy, 
Jacob Broom, 
Richard Norris, 
Joseph B. Bussier, 
James A. Campbell, 
John Oakford, 
Thomas McGrath, 
William Wilkinson, 
James Fletcher, 
John M. Scott, 
Dr. J. K. Mitchell, 
James Magee, 
Samuel Breck, 
John Swift, 



John C. Montgomery, 
John H. Diehl, 
Samuel W. Weer, 
William V. Boyle, 
John G. Brenner, 
Benjamin H. Brewster, 
Gideon G. Westcott, 
E. W. Bailey, 



William Piatt, 
Charles J. Ingersoll, 
Francis Gurney Smith, 
John Robbins, jr. 
Tobias Buehler, 
George Erety, 
Dr. C. D. Meigs, 
Peter McCall, 
John F. Ohl, 
Edward Coles, 
Dr. I. N. Marselis, 
Howe Keith, 
Gen. Geo. Cadwalader, 
John Hare Powell, 
Richard Wistar, 
R. M. Lee, 

Charles Thomson Jones, 
Francis J. Grund, 
Edward Wartman, 
John T. Smith, 
William English, 
Dr. Samuel Thomas, 
Robert Tyler, 
John Lindsay, 
John H. Campbell, 
John Foulkrod, 
William F. Small, 
William D. Lewis, 
Andrew Miller, 
J. B. Lippincott, 
William Harmer, 
Hugh Clark, 
William S. Price, 
Edward D. Ingraham, 
Joseph M. Thomas, 
John Ashhurst, 
Joseph Yeager, 
E. V. Machette, 
Peter Sken Smith. 
SECRETARIES. 

Thomas S. Fernon, 
Henry M. Phillips, 
Charles J. Biddle, 
Washington J. Jackson, 
W. Heyward Drayton, 
Harry Connelly, 
Winthrop Sargeant, 
George J. Gross, 



Mr. Sergeant, upon taking the chair, said he must first express 
to his fellow-citizens, his deep sense of the honor they had done 
him in calling him to the chair of such a meeting, upon such an 
occasion. He would say, with sincerity, that he heartily united 
with them in its purposes. He verily believed they were of one 
mind and of one heart — and he believed, nay, he was firmly con- 
vinced, that there was the same unanimity throughout the whole 
of this great Commonwealth. There was not, he was sure, a single 
individual within her borders, who was a disunionist or a secession- 
ist, or was so dissatisfied with his associates as to be willing to ap- 
ply a blazing torch to the common ark of our safety, and make one 
great conflagration of it in order to get rid of them. No ! They 
were one in feeling, they were one in conviction, and — be it re- 
membered — they would be one in the performance of whatever du- 
ty they owed their country. 

He felt, very painfully, that thus honored, he was disabled by in- 
disposition to address them as the occasion deserved. He must, how- 
ever, say — or endeavor to say — a very few words, and leave the rest 
to those who were to come after him, who were fully competent to 
embody and express the thoughts and feelings which belonged to 
the great subject. 

This Union bears date the fifth day of September, 1774, and eve- 
ry American should remember, that to maintain it, is a duty always 
binding upon him. He has no choice about it — he must take care 
that the Constitution and Laws are maintained and enforced, and 
the Union preserved. The right is as clear as that of an individual 
to preserve his own life. 

The Constitution was the work of the Union — the whole of the 
united people of the United States made it. They declared that 
the Constitution itself; and treaties and laws made under it should 
be the supreme law of the land. They bind, conclusively, all States 
and all individuals. Provision is made for alterations of the Con- 
stitution. Until alterations are made according to that compact, it 
is the duty of the government to maintain it, and of the whole peo- 
ple of the United States to aid them to do so. If there be doubt 
about the constitutionality of a law, there is a tribunal under the 
Constitution to decide it, and the decision is final. To that, also, 
submission is due by our own compact. 

And here, the argument terminates. If the powers given by the 
Constitution be rightfully given, as they undoubtedly are — and if 
it be the duty of the government to enforce, and of the people to 
support them — if the powers given by an Act of Congress be con- 
stitutional, and if it be (as it certainly is) the duty of the govern- 
ment to carry law into effect, thus it is our duty to sustain the law 
by aiding the government. He, therefore, had no further duty to 
perform than to declare the meeting organized, and ready to pro- 
ceed to business. 

Mr. DALLAS, on being announced, was received with tumult- 
uous applause, which having subsided, he proceeded as follows : 



Fellow Citizens ! — The Committee of Arrangement, through their 
Chairman, General Patterson, have handed me a series of Resolu- 
tions, prepared by themselves, to be submitted for the consideration 
and adoption of this meeting. That duty shall be performed. Be- 
fore, however, these supposed expressions of your sentiments on the 
present occasion are read, you will allow me to claim your indul- 
gent attention while I make a very few prefatory remarks explan- 
atory, in advance, of their character, scope, and tone. 

It is not my purpose to argue or to persuade. You are all aware 
of what has brought us together: — and if there be any one fellow- 
citizen here to whom argument or persuasion may be necessary, he 
need not listen to me. I will not waste or degrade my words, by 
arguing or persuading that Pennsylvanian who hesitates to stand by 
his country in her hour of trial. 

No frame of government, fellow-citizens, is more difficult to 
construct than a Federal Union of Sovereign Republican States. 
History and experience prove how rarely such a task has been ac- 
complished. It exacts, for its achievement, so much forbearance, 
so much sacrifice of local ambitions, prejudices, and interests, so 
much mutual conciliation and respect, — indeed, there is a necessity 
for the exercise of so much disinterested virtue for the general public 
good — that, amid the passions and follies of the world, mankind 
have mostly regarded it in despair, as a social and political work, 
too arduous, if not impossible of attainment. 

To frame such a government is a labor only equalled in difficul- 
ty by that of maintaining it. Yet, when once established, and 
continued steadily in operation, all reasoning and reflection as well 
as experience convince us that it is the very best form by which to 
effect and secure the great aims and blessings of society. A federal 
Union of republican states gives to commerce, trade, and navigation, 
almost unbounded expansion and perfect security : — to arts and 
sciences, impulse, encouragement, refinement, and reward : — and to 
private rights, superadded and powerful guaranties. It is essential 
for the purposes of national eminence, national strength, national 
character : — and alone, it furnishes a rallying symbol, importing to 
the eye and the heart of every patriot its lofty and endeared princi- 
ples, beneath whose floating folds, in all quarters of the earth, its 
citizen finds shelter and respect. 

Such a government — a federal union of sovereign republican 
states — has been made for us, and has, thus far, unimpaired and un- 
changed, been transmitted to our guardianship. I will not unne- 
cessarily remind you of the venerated men who formed it. You 
know quite as well as I do that their names are signals which awaken 
the affectionate homage of the good and great every-where, and 
that if it be possible for human excellence and wisdom to outlive the 
storms of wicked and vaporing malice, those Sages of the Convention 
of '87 must enjoy undying fame and universal gratitude. Our gov- 
ernment, fellow-citizens, was formed by them, after long and pain- 
ful and patient consultation. Their deliberations were conducted in 
this our city of Independence, close to the very Hall where most of 
them had, eleven or twelve years before, confronted, with recorded 



signatures, the policy and power of foreign tyranny. The Constitu- 
tion, which they matured, underwent the scrutiny of every state 
successively: both in the ranks of the people, and in the councils of 
conventions : — it was ratified by the universal voice, and hailed as a 
work nobly done. Since the 30th of April 1789, the day on which 
George Washing-ton took the oath of office as its Chief Magistrate 
in the city of New York ; — I say, from that hour to the present, the 
government there prescribed has fulfilled every hope, and has accom- 
plished for the American people all the great purposes of its crea- 
tion. 

What has it done for commerce and navigation! It has run up 
the tonnage from the humblest to the highest figure : — from three 
hundred and sixty thousand tons in 1790, to three millions five hundred 
thousand in 1850 : — And it has swollen the aggregate value of our 
exports and imports from forty millions, to two hundred and ninety 
millions of dollars. 

What has it done for population! — and let me say that there is 
no better or more significant test of the excellence of a government 
than that furnished by the increase or diminution of the numbers 
who remain voluntarily its citizens. In 1790, we were but three 
millions nine hundred thousand souls, we are now more than twen- 
t} r -five millions, 

What has it done for agriculture! — let the rich and extensive 
valley of the Mississippi reply : — whose fertility knows no exhaus- 
tion, and whose overflowing granaries are ready to peaj another 
starving world. 

What has it done for internal intercourse and trade! I will not 
venture to tell you in figures, the probable enlargement of this vast 
and bustling scene. It would sound like exaggeration. But as a 
single fact, whence you may readily deduce an approximation to 
the wonderful reality of progress, let me say that in 1790, the 
number of your post-offices was seventy five, all told, and that now, 
they are nearly seventeen thousand — being the depositories for 
mails that are transported more than forty two millions five hun- 
dred thousand miles annually. 

What has this government done for the enlargement of the home 
of the American people! It has expanded from a narrow oceanic 
border over an entire continent : — with the Atlantic, the Great 
Lakes, the Pacific, and the Mexican Gulf washing with obedient 
waves its four fronts. 

What has it done for the sciences and the arts! — objects of wise 
and anxious protection by every civilized people as contributing not 
merely to the dignity and embellishment of life, but to the resources, 
power, and security of nations. Were it possible to bring back to 
earth the shade of Fulton, he might answer, by recounting with as- 
tonishment the advance of steam-navigation since he first slowly 
forced his way with paddles up the Hudson, jq go ask the single 
iron track on which the lightning express speeds its flight, enabling 
New Orleans and Boston to whisper, every minute or two, soft non- 
sense in each others' ears. Or enquire of the endless and interlac- 
ing railways which bring into close cluster our distant cities, pen- 



8 

etrate to the sources of inexhaustible production, cement with iron 
clamps the members of the Union,and give unswerving and unerring 
facilities to the demands of the freest intercourse and the fullest 
trade. And lastly, as the crowning indication, read that which an 
English author has proclaimed to his countrymen to be "the hand- 
writing on the wall" the victorious achievement of the American 
steamer — the Pacific! 

What, again, has this government done for the Rights of Man, 
and the solace of humanity! Seek the pregnant reply in the 
scowling glances of every despot on earth: — or if you find it not 
there, consult the countless and welcome throngs of immigrants, as 
well from oppressed Ireland as the German Fatherland, from Swit- 
zerland and from Swed en, who hasten hither to enjoy the freedom, 
happiness, and consolation which their native lands denied. 

And in fine, what has this Government done for the honor and re- 
nown of the American name! Go to the graves of Pike,Ripley,Gaines, 
Perry, Decatur, Hull, Jackson, and Taylor : — and gaze upon the elo- 
quent standard you will find floating over them: — a standard which 
we all delight to contemplate : which, at home or abroad, fills every 
bosom with pride and exultation. And remember that a successful 
blow aimed at the Union prostrates the star-spangled banner for- 
ever. 

Such, fellow-citizens, are some of the ripe fruits of our glorious 
confederacy. Not one of them, no, not one could have been achiev- 
ed without it. Their rapid delineation I have thought due to the 
occasion : — and if I have spoken ti uly, as I know I have : — if these 
magnificent and ennobling results have, in the course of sixty years 
only, flowed from the government of 1789, are you prepared to 
abandon, repudiate, and destroy it! (loud and pervading cries of 
No! No! Never!) Or rather, I should ask, are you not ready to 
bound boldly forward to protect it from the perils of rash domestic 
strife! Should there, indeed, be supposed by any of our great 
speakers and great sages of these latter days, some one or more de- 
fects to exist in this matchless Constitution of government, bear in 
mind that they who made it, with the modesty of true wisdom, in- 
corporated among its provisions the principle and the pathway of 
amendment : — and let us invite these censorious pretenders to try 
their hands at improving, in the regular way, the structure of those 
master-workmen Washington, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, and 
Pinkney. Do it, if they can. 

But, fellow-citizens, the immediate causes of the present danger 
and the inducement to your meeting, require my attention. At the 
recent session of Congress various and most interesing measures 
were enacted into laws. They were, the admission of California 
as a State into the Union, the arrangement of the northern and 
north-western boundary of Texas, the formation of territorial gov- 
ernments for our new acquisitions of Utah and New Mexico, the 
abatement of the slave-pens (as they were called, in the eloquent 
diction of the peculiar friends of their occupants) in the District of 
Columbia, and the act to provide for the delivering up of Fugitive 
Slaves. Involved, directly or incidentally, expressly or by impli- 



9 

cation, in all these measures, was the ever delicate and ever 
agitating question of Southern domestic servitude. 

Now, they who framed our Constitution were neither fanciful 
nor fanatic. They laid the broad foundation of a Union of Sover- 
eign States in a practical manner and for perpetual duration. They 
discarded Utopian notions. They took the sovereign states as they 
found them, with their respective local usages and habits and insti- 
tutions, over which, for change or modification, they knew and felt 
they possessed no delegated power whatever. Their object was a 
general government, for purposes common to all their constituent 
commonwealths, and not a government whose consolidated powers 
would reach into domesticjurisdictions, and over-ride or absorb mere 
local institutions or laws. 

In reference to the four first mentioned Congressional measures, 
I do not suppose you wish me to enter into any details. They are 
essentially irreversible, and cannot continue long to excite public 
feeling, whatever their merits or demerits. California, now a sister 
state, cannot be thrown back, or out, by any process of legislation. 
The boundary of Texas is definitively settled, not by Pennsylvania, 
nor Massachusetts, nor Virginia, nor New York, but by voluntary 
contract between the United States and Texas. New Mexico and 
Utah have forms of territorial governments assigned to them, upon 
principles strictly constitutional, and in no wise under the slightest 
danger of alteration. As to the much-hated slave-pens, their restora- 
tion is a matter too insignificant to be sought for by any Qne. 
There is but one of these measures liable to become, and which has, 
in fact, already become, the subject of serious discussion and of 
alarming movement: — That is the Act entitled " An act to amend 
and supplementary to the act respecting fugitives from justice, and 
persons escaping from the service of their masters approved on 12th 
February 1793, and authenticated by the illustrious signatures of 
George Washington, John Adams, and Jonathan Trumbull. This 
act is denounced ; — it has heen made the basis of lawless and crim- 
inal violence — it has transferred the seat of nullification from 
Charleston to Boston : — it is made the pretext for a course of com- 
bined and simultaneous action subversive of established authority 
and order, and fatal, if unchecked, to the government under which 
we live. I wish to utter a few short sentiments in relation to this 
Fugitive Slave Bill. 

In the first place, fellow-citizens, it is the law : — made so with 
all the forms and sanctions of federal legislation. It is as binding 
upon our conduct and consciences as any other law in the entire 
code. As such, we owe it obedience. While in our free country, 
the utmost liberty of discussion is permitted, and endless words in 
speech or in writing may be wasted in condemnation, let no man 
dare to resist its execution, by violence, who is unprepared to meet 
the penalties of crime. As surely as we value the institutions 
which as a people we have made : — as surely as we cherish our 
freedom, our security, our property and our peace; — so surely 
will we, not merely discountenance, but actively and inflexibly in- 
flict the appropriate punishment upon every effort forcibly to defeat 



10 

the law. Any other spirit, any other doctrine, puts at hazard, or 
rather in actual jeopardy, every thing which, as citizens in our pub- 
lic relations, or as men in our private ones, is most endeared to us. 
He who pounsels opposition to the execution of a law by the 
strong arm, either aims at upsetting the government, or is one whose 
hand is against every man and against whom every hand should be 
lifted. 

In the second place, fellow-citizens, I say — and with the full con- 
sciousness that hundreds are around me intimately acquainted with 
the text and deeply imbued with the spirit of our fundamental char- 
ter — I say, that this Fugitive Slave Law, in its substance, in its de- 
tails, in all its features and all its provisions, is in perfect harmony 
with the Constitution of our country, (loud and repeated cheers.) 
Not merely that: — it not only harmonizes with, but it springs di- 
rectly from, and is now necessary to the maintenance of the Con- 
stitution, (renewed cheering.) Do you suppose that, great and 
wise and beloved as were the men who made the Constitution, and 
who as years roll on become ten times more great, more wise, and 
more beloved in our gratitude and memory — do you suppose that 
even they would have been able to accomplish this mighty under- 
taking, had not the distinct, and mandatory guarantee for deliver- 
ing up fugitives from service taken its firm and immoveable posi- 
tio°n in their plan? No, fellow-citizens, No ! Of the twelve states, 
whose delegates affixed their honored names in Convention to that 
instrument, one only was, even in appearance, divested of slavery. 
That condition of labor was familiar to them all : — and a federal 
Union which did not provide for its absolute security, amid the 
seductions and facilities to escape consequent upon the creation of 
closer political ties, was an unattainable work of which they never 
dreamed. 

Again, I say, this Fugitive Slave Bill, is just:— just to the fugi- 
tive, just to the claimant of his service, and just to the public. To 
the first, it affords the protection of legal forms and hearing: — pro- 
viding competent and responsible officers to direct the arrest, to 
adjudicate upon the identity, and ultimately to supervise and au- 
thorize the removal. To the second, in pursuit of his private proper- 
ty, it strives to furnish immunity from lawless outrage by the pre- 
sence and responsibility of public agents, and by penalties whose 
only aims are to enforce justice and to redress wrong. And to the 
third, to society at large, it is especially just, as it cannot but tend 
effectually to forestal and prevent the disorders and riotous excesses 
which bad men unhesitatingly provoke in their utter contempt for 
feeble laws. 

And finally, fellow-citizens, I say this law is an expedient one. Af- 
ter too tranquilly witnessing, for the last twenty years, the progress 
of an imported fanaticism, in its efforts to depeciate our Constitu- 
tion and gradually to weaken the bonds of our Union, the critical 
moment has come, for deciding whether we will hold fast to the 
glorious government of our fathers, or immolate it at the shrine of 
reckless, °senseless, remorseless abolition. I solemnly believe the 
country to be staked on the permanency and stern execution of this 



11 

law. I will not advert to considerations which should especially im- 
pel us Pennsylvanians to remedy the evils by which the alarming 
state of southern exasperation has been produced. But I do hope 
that, here, within sight of the birth chamber of our national exis- 
tence — here, on the spot where the states entered into the consecre- 
ted league and pledged each other their faith, for better for worse — 
we may utter words, true to constitutional obligations, true to hon- 
or, and true to the highest and holiest impulse of patriotism. Let 
us speak out. The emergency demands a frank and fearless loyalty. 
We should endeavour to rouse and rectify a public opinion that has 
remained too long and too injuriously inert. Our fraternal hail 
must soothe those whom a series of aggressions have driven to contem- 
plate without recoil the precipice of disunion. Let us rekindle 
the almost extinguished confidence and friendship of our Southern 
brethren, by manifesting a determination to enforce their rights, 
and by showing that we deeply and sincerely sympathize in the 
sufferings and wrongs to which they have been subjected. 

If ever it has graciously pleased the Almighty to give his blessing 
to any form of temporal polity, it was bestowed upon that of our 
Union. To continue worthy ol that blessing, it must be upheld 
in its original purity : — and I know no mode so certain of preserving 
and sustaining it, as good faith in fulfilling every one of its obliga- 
tions toward every one of its members. 

(Mr. Dallas then read the resolutions which were frequently 
and warmly cheered, particularly those sustaining the Fugitive 
Slave Law.) 

1. Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States, which 
was wisely framed for the purpose of establishing a " more perfect 
Union," and "to secure the blessings of liberty" to unborn genera- 
tions, has fulfilled the objects of the patriots who assembled in 
Convention in the name and on behalf of the People of the United 
States, and is entitled to the veneration and support of their "Pos- 
terity." 

2. That in succeeding to the guardianship of Liberty and the 
Union, which were achieved by the blood of our fathers, we have 
inherited an obligation to preserve them untarnished together ; and 
it would be equally base to forfeit the National Independence, and 
to fail in allegiance to the National Union. 

3. That the care of the Union is a sanctified trust, and ought to 
be dear to every American; but those citizens are especially its 
guardians, who, standing on the spot where Independence was 
declared, where the Constitution was framed, and where the Union 
was rendered more perfect, are stimulated to its preservation, and 
find additional motives for the exercise of that pious duty, in sur- 
rounding memorials of the past : and here, on the very ground 
upon which our heroic ancestors devoted themselves to their coun- 
try, we renew to the same cause, the pledges which they once gave 
and gloriously redeemed, of " our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred 
honor." 

4. That the Constitution provides that persons " held to service 



12 

or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, 
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service 
or labor may be due." For many years, State legislation con- 
tributed means to carry this constitutional provision into effect. 
When State legislation was repealed, a duty devolved upon Con- 
gress to supply its place, and it has been discharged in conformity 
to fundamental law ; and the enactments it has adopted are entitled 
to the support of the whole nation. 

5. That our countrymen are a law-abiding people. They dele- 
gate to chosen representatives in the Congress of the United States, 
powers of legislation limited by the Constitution ; an d they repose 
confidence in the acts of a majority commensurate with the character 
of a Republican government. When individuals array themselves 
against the execution of laws thus enacted, and by so doing trample 
upon the rights of the whole people, they are guilty of at least 
moral treason ; and it is the solemn duty of the people, to rise up 
in their majesty, and by carrying out the regular proceedings of 
their representatives, to vindicate the supremacy and the sove- 
reignty OF THE LAW. 

6. That so much of the act of Assembly of Pennsylvania as for- 
bids any officers of the Commonwealth from giving effect to any 
act of Congress respecting persons escaping from service in other 
States, and provides penalties for taking cognizance or jurisdiction 
of the case of any such fugitive, ought to be at the earliest possible 
moment repealed. 

7. That further agitation of the subject of slavery which has 
heretofore promoted neither the welfare of the slave nor the cause 
of emancipation can be productive of nothing but evil. It has 
been adjusted by Congress, and with that adjustment it should be 
permitted, in our estimation, to rest. 

8. That the permanence and stability of the Union are endan- 
gered by the officious interference of fanatical and disloyal spirits 
in concerns that do not belong to them. 

9. That the series of statutes enacted at the late session of Con- 
gress, for the sake of peace, were passed in a spirit of patriotism and 
judicious compromise, that they are in no respect a departure from 
the Constitution, and that as it is the obligation, so it ought to be 
the desire of every citizen of the Republic, manfnlly to sustain 
them. 

The resolutions were received with loud and repeated cheers. 

[At this stage of the proceedings, Mr. Sergeant, the President, 
retired, and Gen. Robert Patterson, the 1st Vice President, offi- 
ciated in his place, with dignity and promptitude.] 

HON. JOSIAH RANDALL was introduced next, and seconded 
the resolutions in the following admirable remarks : 

In seconding the resolutions offered by my friend, (Mr. Dallas) 
I wish to submit a few remarks. 



13 

The question of Slavery has for a long lime excited in the 
United States the most discordant feelings and much conflict 
of judgment. For many years the North and the South on this 
subject have been antagonistic. In the North, it has been an 
abstract proposition ; in the South, it is otherwise ; with them 
it is a practical question affecting their property and their lives. 
So far as it depends upon the action of the different States, it is now 
settled upon a basis which cannot be shaken — the constitutional 
doctrine may be stated in a single word — Non-interference, or as it 
is sometimes called, Non-Intervention. Slavery is the subject of 
domestic policy, and each State, old or new, has the right to admit 
or exclude it, as the people through the legislature may determine. 
Pennsylvania, or any other free State, may reintroduce, within its 
limits slavery, whenever it may elect so to do. If the thirteen old 
States possessed this power, the new States also possess it — because 
under the Federal Constitution, all the States have equal rights. 
The admission or exclusion of slavery in each Slate rests with the 
people, neither the Ordinance of 1787 nor the Inhibition of Con- 
gress in the admission of Missouri affects it, and territories, in- 
cluded within the interdiction, when admitted as States, have 
ample right to admit slavery within their limits whenever they 
think proper. 

One thing is certain — that if they should exercise this power, 
there is no authority vested in Congress, or any other body, to dis- 
pute it or set it aside. 

The important subject which now agitates the people of this coun- 
try, is that of fugitive slaves and the Act passed by Congress at their 
last session, giving the owner facilities to claim his fugitive slave. 
This act is, in its spirit and principles, wise, judicious, and consti- 
tutional. It was passed at the close of the session ; it may bear, 
upon the face of it, the impress of some haste in legislation ; and in 
some of its minor provisions it may require amendment, but its car- 
dinal features are just and salutary. It ought not to be expected 
that a whole system can be struck out at a single heat ; amend- 
ments, developed by practice, will suggest themselves. 

The 3d paragraph of the 2d section of the 4th article of the Con- 
stitution of the United States, provides that " No person held to 
service or labor in one State, under the laws therein, escaping into 
another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be 
discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on 
claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." 

It has been generally supposed that the introduction of this clause 
into the Constitution was a matter of compromise. If the term com- 
promise implies any equivalent for, or reluctance in, its adoption, it 
is incorrectly used. A reference to the minutes of the convention, 
(page 306) will shew that on the 29th of August, 1787, this section 
was moved and seconded and passed unanimously in the affirmative, 
without amendment. 

The wisest and best men, this country ever produced, in the days of 
its primitive purity, gave it their cordial and solemn sanction. It 



14 

is the product of the intellect and patriotism of Madison, Hamilton, 
Jay, and their illustrious compeers ; and it is stamped with the ap- 
proba ion of Franklin and Washington. 

Cotemporaneously with the adoption of the Constitution, the dif- 
ferent Legislatures accompanied their assent with a flood of amend- 
ments. Many of them were most minute, and some of them were 
even subject to the charge of frivolity. The free States were at that 
time among the foremost in their variety of suggestions : but not a 
single exception was taken by any State to this provision. 

But its principle may be defended without a recurrence to the 
authority of the patriots to whom I have referred. It enacts no new 
principle. Previous to the Declaration of Independence, a slave 
who fled from one colony to another still remained the property of 
his master, and the master had a right to reclaim him. Between the 
4th of July 1776 and the 9th of July 1778, when the articles of con- 
federation were adopted, the right of the master remained the same. 
After the adoption of the Articles of the Confederation, and before 
the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the right still continued 
inviolate, not in consequence of any provision in the Articles of 
Confederation, but by virtue of the well-known and established laws 
of nations as then understood and acknowledged throughout the ci- 
vilized world. Thus it will be seen that this right is coeval with 
the existence of slavery in this country, that it has been sanctioned 
by all the Colonial, State, Confederate danu Federal Governments 
which have ever existed in the United States. 

But I will go farther and state in the most broad and compre- 
hensive sense, that it is an acknowledged principle of the laws of 
nations, that slaves are property, and that whenever a slave flees 
from one country and seeks refuge in another, the State from 
which the slave has fled has the right to demand the delivery up of 
the fugitive; and if such delivery be refused, has also the right to 
pursue and obtain it by force of arms. This doctrine has the autho- 
rity of the highest Courts of Judicature in Great Britain and of 
the Supreme Court of the United States; and is sanctioned by 
the authority of the most eminent judges and civilians who ever 
lived in this or the mother country, including Sir William Scott 
and Chief Justice Marshall. It is recognised by the State Legis- 
latures, (including Pennsylvania) who before the existence of the 
Federal Constitution abolished slavery ; by the act of Parlia- 
ment of 4 & 5 William, 1S33, abolishing slavery in the West 
Indies; by the writers on the Civil Law; by Vattel in his Treatises 
on the Laws of Nations, (B. 2, chap. v. page 160); and by Mr. 
Wheaton in his Treatise on International Law, (part 4th, chap. I. 
page 339-40, id. 177 to 187.) 

This doctrine has also the sanction of the authority of the two most 
powerful nations of the present day. The treaty of Ghent, signed 
Dec. 24th, 1814, provided that all territory, places and possessions, 
taken by either party from the other during the war, should be re- 
stored without delay. These terms did not include a claim upon 
Great Britain for American slaves taken by British arms during the 



15 

war ; but the United States affirmed that they were entitled to the 
restoration of those slaves or full compensation for them. It was 
subsequently left to the arbitrament of the Emperor of Russia, who, 
on the 22nd of April, 1822, decided that the United States were 
entitled to full compensation for the slaves so taken. The govern- 
ment of Great Britain ratified the award and paid to the United 
States the sum of $1,200,000. And it should not be forgotten 
that these treaties were concluded under the diplomacy of John 
Quincy Adams, first as Commissioner at Ghent, and subsequently 
as Secretary of State under Mr. Monroe. 

What is now asked from us by the Southern States 1 Nothing 
more but that we should not aid and assist their slaves in running 
away, and harboring them as fugitives. It is not necessary at this time 
to enter into a history of the manner in which the emancipation of 
slaves was effected in Great Britain. Mr. Wilberforce had for 
thirty years brought the subject before Parliament, without making 
the slightest impression upon either the government or the public 
mind. He contented himself with submitting the measure and having 
it decisively rejected from time to time as often as it was presented. 
His conduct at the York election in 1S07, towards Lord Milton, 
had led many to doubt the extent of interest which that great 
champion of emancipation himself took in ihe measure. Upon 
the accession of William the Fourth to the throne in 1830, the 
Tories and Whigs ran a race on this subject, in order to secure 
public sympathy and support. If it had been to emancipate the 
same number of slaves living at home amongst themselves, it 
cannot admit of a doubt that it would never have been con- 
summated. 

But under all the excitement in Great Britain, it never was pro- 
posed to emancipate the slaves without a full and ample compen- 
sation to the master for the property which he held in them. 
British statesmen, writers and impudent emissaries have done much 
to produce the present state of public opinion among the Abolition- 
ists in this country ; they have interfered most unjustifiably in our 
domestic affairs, but let us do them justice, they never encouraged 
the fugitive slave to run away, nor proposed any system of emanci- 
pation by which the master should be deprived of his property 
without just satisfaction. The paternity of such a measure is an 
honor that belongs exclusively to the American Abolitionist. 

The wilful harboring of a fugi ive slave is a grave offence in 
morals as well as law, and those who commit this offence, can ex- 
culpate themselves upon no other ground than the recognition of a 
higher authority than the Constitution and laws of the Union, the 
benefits of which they are continually enjoying, and which in all 
o her matters, they seek for their own protection. I freely admit 
that among the few Abolitionists in our community, are to be found 
the most exemplary men in private life, but their purity of character 
is of no value when they jeopard all that is dear to us. 

The present Fugitive Bill should be honestly carried out by the 
Judicial authority of the country, and the exercise of that power 



16 

should be strengthened by public opinion. This is the issue ; if we 
do not cheerfully concede this ground, we violate the original 
Federal compact and give the South just ground of complaint. I 
have no respect for the intelligence or motives of the man who will 
attempt to evade this question and say there is no danger, and that 
the free States can continue to do so as they have done and pre- 
serve the Union. 

There is no doubt, but that heretofore the act of Congress, 
passed the 12th of February, 1793, enabling the master to claim 
his slave, has been viewed by many in the free States with jealousy 
and dislike ; and many rules of judicial construction have been 
established, which tend to defeat and not to carry out the object 
of the Law. A discrimination has been .made between fugitives 
from justice and fugitives from service and labor, that is totally 
unauthorised ; this evil must be remedied, and the same salutary 
rules which are recognised in detaining a fugitive from justice, 
should be extended to the other class of fugitives from labor. It 
has been said that when a master claims his fugitive slave in a free 
State, he chooses his own time and ought to be ready with all his 
proofs. This position is utterly untenable. The slave chooses his 
own time to run away, the master is compelled to seize him when- 
ever he finds him or to permit him to escape ; but if the fact 
were so, the doctrine founded upon it is anomalous and totally 
without authority. The Commonwealth and the United States 
select their own time to prefer a charge against an alleged culprit, 
but they have the power to continue the case without challenge 
or cause being shown, and in the meantime keep the defen- 
dant in prison. No similar counter privilege exists with the 
defendant. A private suitor has the right at Common Law to con- 
tinue his case without challenge or cause being shown ; but the 
defendant has no such privilege. It should also be borne in mind 
that when a private suitor suffers a non-suit, he can renew his action ; 
but when the fugitive slave is discharged, he immediately escapes, 
and all hope of recovery is lost. The Court will detain a fugitive 
from justice for six months to obtain the requisite proof against 
him ; but heretofore the owner of a slave has been denied 24 hours 
to obtain his evidence or to supply the most trivial defect that may 
exist in the proof. I repeat with great respect for the enlightened 
Judges who have made these decisions, that it is all wrong, and 
that it is their duty as it should be their pleasure, fairly and 
honestly to carry out the true intent and purpose of the law. 

It is deeply to be regretted that no State in the Union has vio- 
lated the solemn compact on the subject of fugitive slaves more 
flagrantly than Pennsylvania. The Act passed the 8th of March, 
1847, by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, entitled "An act to 
prevent kidnapping, preserve the public peace, prohibit the exer- 
cise of certain powers heretofore exercised by Judges, Justices of 
the Peace, Aldermen and Jailors in this Commonwealth, and to 
repeal certain slave laws," is perhaps one of the most odious and 
unconstitutional measures that has been enacted in any of the free 



17 

States. The history of this Act is most remarkable. By a reference 
to the journals of the Senate and House of Representatives, it will 
be seen that it was passed sub silentio, without amendment or 
opposition, and without the ayes and nays being called in either 
House. (Jour. House Rep. page 207; Jour, of Senate, id. page 
312.) Its provisions are most discreditable. It forbids the Judges 
of our Courts from taking cognizance of fugitive slaves; it attempts 
to impose a restriction upon the master, in using force to reclaim 
the slave; and the 8th section forbids the use of the jails and 
prisons of the Commonwealth, under the penalty of a fine of five 
hundred dollars, and disfranchisement of office during life. 

The number of prisoners detained under the laws of the United 
States is small ; it was not therefore thought necessary to erect a 
jail in each State. But Congress, by a resolution adopted the 23d 
of September, 1789, recommended to the Legislatures of the several 
States to pass laws, making it "the duty of the keepers of their jails 
to receive and safe keep all prisoners committed under the authority 
of the United States;" and also made provision to pay for the use 
of the jail, and support such prisoners as should be committed for 
offences. When the excitement relative to Slavery had increased 
in the free States, some of the Legislatures withdrew their permis- 
sion to the United States to use the jails of the respective States, 
and Congress by an act of the 3d of March, 1824, authorised the 
Marshal's, under the direction of the District Judges, to hire a con- 
venient place to serve as a temporary jail. 

It is attempted to defend the passage of the Act of the Legislature 
of Pennsylvania by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United 
States in Prigg's case, 16 Peters, 539 ; but the justification is utterly 
groundless. In this case the Supreme Court decided that a prior 
act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, passed the 25th March, 
1826, was unconstitutional, because it obstructed the taking of fugi- 
tive slaves within the limits of the Commonwealth. The decision 
of the Court is sound law, and has never been doubted; but the 
Court in delivering their opinion, say, " State magistrates may, if 
they choose, exercise that authority, (the delivery of fugitive 
slaves) unless prohibited by State legislation. 

This expression was seized upon and assumed as an authority to 
obstruct the reclaiming of fugitive slaves. Any Act of Assembly 
closing the jails and prisons of the Commonwealth against the 
Government of the United States, is neither more nor less than 
nullification. The nullification of South Carolina was undisguised, 
that of Pennsylvania covert, it lacks the manliness of open oppo- 
sition, but it groans under the weight of a deep and abiding sense of 
hostility to the Constitution of the United States. The law is dis- 
creditable to the^Statute Book of Pennsylvania, and fidelity to the 
Union demands its immediate and uncpialified repeal. 

It follows, from what I have said, that the slaveholding States 
have ground of complaint on the subject of fugitive slaves. The 
obligation to deliver them up to their masters is imperative, and we are 
bound to surrender the last fugitive slave, who is to be found within 

2 



18 

our limits, by the same ties of honor and good faith that the United 
States are bound to pay the last dollar of the public debt. 

Many well disposed persons at the North imagine that the fugitive 
alave law will be abused, and that under it free black men will be 
seized and taken away. There is no ground for this fear. Kidnap- 
ping in the North is too offensive to be permitted or connived at. 
Public sympathy will be enlisted on the side of the fugitive, not 
against him. But kidnapping is as odious in the South as it is at 
the north. Slaves are there considered as property; they look upon 
the man who attempts to hold a free man as a slave as we do upon a 
common thief: and those who imagine that in the South a free black 
man can with impunity be seized and kept as a slave, know nothing 
of public sentiment in the slaveholding States. The truth is that 
the evil is on the other side; and if injustice be done it will be to the 
master, not the slave. Any law, however, may be condemned, if the 
argument against it be drawn from its abuse. No penal law can ever be 
carried into execution if the fear that an innocent man may be charged 
with the commission of the offence, shall arrest it. Such an evil is 
incident to all laws, civil or penal, and will continue so while human 
tribunals are liable to err. I am authorized by a distinguished mem- 
ber of the Philadelphia bar to say, that during a most extensive 
practice of more than thirty years in protecting fugitive slaves, he 
has never known an instance of a colored man being delivered up as 
a fugitive slave contrary to the truth of the case. One such fact, 
properly attested, is more valuable than all the mawkish dissertations 
that we daily read on the subject of fugitive slaves.* 

I am not afraid of public sentiment in New England. That noble 
people have made too many sacrifices for the preservation of the 
Union to hesitate for a moment to carry out the Constitution of the 
country. A people who have been described as possessing more 
knowledge and industry with less crime than any other part of the 
civilized world, will never falter in the performance of a duty essen- 
tial to the preservation of our institutions. Look at the history of 
New England during the last forty years. The war of 1812 found her 
and left her a maratime people, engaged in commerce. She opposed 
the tariff for protection ; she was outvoted, and submitted. She then 
invested her capital and labor in the manufactures of the country, 
and again Congress changed its system, and recalled its protection 
of domestic industry. She was in this again outvoted, and again 
submitted to the law of the land. There is no danger from such a 
paople. They are generally right ; they may be sometimes wrong, 
but they are always ultimately right. 

It should be remembered that the South do not seek to force 
slavery upon us ; they are willing to let us do as we please, and they 
ask that we should extend to them the same privilege. Let us there- 
fore meet our Southern friends in candour and good faith. A conces- 
sion by one part of the Union to the other is honorable to those who 
make it, and ought not to be misunderstood and treated as a dis- 
honorable capitulation. Our high destiny has been attained by a 
spirit of compromise, and under its guidance we now exhibit to the 



19 

world a great people. That spirit of compromise may be traced to 
an earlier period than the adoption of the federal Constitution. 
It shone conspicuously when John Adams moved, and Samuel Adams 
seconded, the nomination of George Washington as commander-in- 
chief of the armies of the United States; and it is perhaps not 
extravagant to say, that this incident is more intimately connected 
with the independence of our country than any other event in 
its annals. Let us in peace, as we have done in war, prefer their 
fellowship to the officious interference of foreign nations. In the 
three wars in which the United States have been engaged, the South 
and the North have been united in their common defence : and even 
at this moment, if a foreign enemy were to threaten the country with 
danger, South Carolina, with all her supposed grievances, would be 
amongst the foremost to brandish her steel in the air, and freely to 
spill her best blood in the defence of their and our common country. 

I cannot conclude without paying a tribute of thanks to those 
distinguished statesmen who in the hour of peril have recently 
stood by the Union. They have been its friends when it wanted 
friends. Amongst such men as Clay, Webster, Cass, Foote, and 
their associates, it would be invidious to discriminate. A portion 
of the people of Massachusetts have threatened to throw overboard 
their most distinguished citizen — a man who does more honor to their 
state than ever the state can do honor to him. I should regret it, but 
whenever Massachusetts shall discard Daniel Webster, the nation is 
ready to receive him. The same remark is applicable to the gallant 
Foote, of Mississippi. He is now fighting a glorious battle for his 
country, and if Mississippi does not know his value, and is willing to 
disown one of her noblest sons, he will find a refuge in the affection 
and esteem of the people of the United States. 

Let us be true to ourselves, and all will be well. The people of 
the United States are attached to the Union. The President and 
the Administration concur in this sentiment — Congress responds to 
it — the value of the Union is known and felt — it must and will be 
preserved. The cord which unites the States together is elastic — it 
may be stretched, but it will recoil, and unite the glorious bundle 
of faggots together by a stronger bond than ever. 

* The following letters shows the authority for this statement: 

Philadelphia, 9th Nov., 1850. 

Dear Sir : — During the last thirty years, I believe you have been 
engaged as counsel in almost every important case of a fugitive slave 
brought before our Judges and Courts in Philadelphia, and always on 
the part of the fugitive. 

Be pleased to inform me whether you remember any case where a 
colored man has been delivered to his claimant, and in which you had 
reason to believe he had been adjudged to be a slave contrary to the 
truth of the case? 

I make, with great pleasure, this draft upon your known frankness, 
because I know it will be most cheerfully accepted. 

I remain, dear sir, your friend 

David Paul Brown, Esq. JOSIAH RANDALL, 



20 

Philadelphia, Nov. 12th, 1850. 

Dear Sik : — You are perfectly right in believing, that " for the 
last thirty years, I have been engaged as Counsel in almost every 
important case of alleged fugitives from service, brought before our 
Judges and Courts in Philadelphia, and always on the part of the 
fugitives." Although, my dear sir, I cannot say of you as you have 
said of me, that you have been for thirty years engaged in behalf of 
alleged fugitives, I will at least do you the justice to say, though it 
may be considered but a negative compliment, that I have never 
during that period of time, in a single instance, known you to have 
been enlisted, or engaged against them. 

You ask me if I remember any instance in which a colored man 
has been delivered to his claimant, and in which I have reason to 
believe he had been adjudged to be a slave, contrary to the truth of 
the case. I answer you very frankly and freely, that I never have, 
thanks to the humane interference of that society which was estab- 
lished under the auspices of Benjamin Franklin, and aided by the 
zeal and talents of such men as William Lewis, William Rawle, 
Jared Ingersoll, John Sergeant and others ; and with thanks also, to 
those upright, impartial and independent Judges, by whom the rights 
of the parties were finally determined. 

Very truly, yours, 

DAVID PAUL BROWN. 

To Josiah Randall, &c. 

MR. JOSEPH R. INGERSOLL'S SPEECH. 
The Hon. Joseph R. Ingersoll, being loudly called for, said, It 
might fairly be questioned, under circumstances different from those 
which actually surround us, whether this part of the country would 
require any public demonstration to prove its integrity. Our good 
old Commonwealth has lived in vain, if it has not lived down all 
doubts of its loyalty to the Union. Pennsylvania is, we may trust, 
in principle and practice, not less than in position, the Keystone of 
the great Federal Arch. This State has long sustained itself in that 
eminent and responsible station, and it can fail to do so only when 
the massive pillars which it serves to hold together, shall crumble into 
ruins. It will, then — in that evil and far distant day — as it vyas among 
the earliest to contribute cheerfully its undivided strength to general 
prosperity — fall reluctantly and the last, in the universal dissolution. 
Yet, however firm we may feel in the consciousness of our fidelity, 
there are good reasons for exchanging a ratification of it at this agi- 
tated moment, and in the face of an anxious and inquiring world. 
Distant friends desire co-operation and support in their allegiance, 
which is tried by difficulties and dangers. They are exposed to 
temptations, by which devotion to the country is made a heroic vir- 
tue. Distant enemies may not be unwilling to draw inferences from 
our silence, unfavourable to the great cause of United America, and 
to rejoice in the anticipated downfall of the power and permanence 
of a government of the people, occasioned as they might be willing 
to believe, by our abandonment of it. 



21 

It will at least cost nothing here in the abode of the still blooming 
vestiges of Independence and the Constitution, to renew our mutual 
pledges to sustain, in their purity and unbroken perfection, Institu- 
tions' which our fathers established and defended with their lives. 

In other places, applause or even impunity may not go hand in 
hand with similar displays of attachment to the country. An utter- 
ance of voices, such as are ascending here to-night in joyful harmony, 
might be attended there by discord and danger. A gentleman, warm 
in his devotion to the cause we cordially espouse, and now residing 
in the heart of South Carolina, was yesterday in the midst of us. 
Would that he were here to-night, to witness an universal feeling so 
cono-enial with his own, to participate in the expression of one com- 
mon sentiment, and to bear with him to his immediate fellow-citizens 
and friends, his own authentic testimony of the kindness that is felt 
for them, as brethren with ourselves of one common family. On all 
occasions, he has been ready to stand by the flag of the nation. 
When Mr. Poinsett, to whom' this allusion is cheerfully made, was 
Minister in Mexico, his dwelling was beset, and his person was as- 
sailed by a murderous band, who, forgetting the privileges of his 
station, were willing to sacrifice to their fury the dignity of his country, 
and his life together. Accompanied only by his gallant Secretary of 
Legation, he exposed himself to the rude shock unmoved ; and up- 
holding the banner of his country, and protected by it, js it waved 
in graceful folds above his head, he defied the rage of his assailants, 
and triumphed over them. That same emblem of his country's 
honor will be his standard now: and, whether ^threatened by foreign 
violence, or encompassed by domestic disloyalty, he will not fail to 
stand firmly rooted in his allegiance and fidelity. 

Let us rejoice that these self-creating, spontaneous movements of 
patriotism, such as we now witness, stirred up only by an innate love 
of the Union, and by attachment to the principles by which it is sus- 
tained, promise to speak with no equivocal voice, and in terms too 
explicit to be liable to be misunderstood. Individual preferences and 
sectional prejudices bend their stern and stubborn sinews at the call. 
Party veils its face before the altar of the country. The country 
itself, represented by assemblies of enthusiastic citizens, who are 
willing to forget their own authority in a still higher authority, which, 
springing from themselves, commands their utmost reverence — bows 
down to the sovereignty of the law. 

All of us are prompted by no common motives, to embrace an op- 
portunity so favorable in itself and so happily constructed to ward 
off threatened difficulties and calamities, and to purify the political 
atmosphere if it needs it, from all corruption. The bright inheritance 
we possess is well worth the struggle to maintain it unimpaired. 
The duty of protecting it is as sacred, as the object to be preserved 
is inestimable. A condition can scarcely be imagined, in which a 
nation would be freer from evil or fuller of advantages, than our own. 
From the moment when a perfect Union was accomplished, Heaven 
has smiled upon the bold, and, perhaps, novel undertaking, and every- 
thing has prospered. Evils which had beset a disjointed yet confede- 



22 

rated republic, were at once done away ; independence was established 
on a foundation not likely to be shaken ; and the people, for whom and 
by whom the Constitution was framed, have continued without sub- 
stantial interruption to be the happiest, as well as the freest under the 
sun. Their prosperity has been more uniform, their progress in 
wealth, extent, population, influence, and power, has been more rapid 
than history in its brightest pages can parallel, or fable in its wildest 
dreams has fancied. Their skies are not more bright than their 
social atmosphere has been unclouded. They have every thing at 
hand that can give reality to desire. Their horn of plenty is full. 
The future and the past rival each other in their promises and pos- 
sessions ; and prospect and present fruition, like the cups of the gods 
of the heathens, seem to sparkle with the light of hope, and to over- 
flow with the exuberance of enjoyment. It is not extravagant to 
believe that as full a measure of prosperity is in their hands, as is 
compatible with the most unrestrained exercise of popular privileges 
and rights. Other nations may enjoy luxuries and refinements among 
certain classes richer than our own ; but none present to the great 
mass of the people such abundant sources of happiness. 

Yet, in this People's Paradise — where every thing is bestowed, 
and not a tree bearing fruit is denied to the hand of the too happy 
proprietors ; where desire is anticipated almost before its utterance — 
evil and discontent have found an entrance even here. The fatal 
curse is among us : and the principle which ought to have exhibited 
an exception, proves itself of universal application. 

" Though flowers of Eden we still inherit, 
The trail of the Serpent is over them all." 

This demon of strife comes among us in the white robes of peace 
and good will. It professes extreme humanity, and scatters discord. 
It sails under colors that betoken friendship and philanthropy, while 
it is ready to hoist the bloody flag of piracy, and to fight under that 
crimson banner. A more elastic and capacious web of mischief could 
scarcely have been woven by the emissaries of Satan upon earth, or 
by the great father of evil himself in the confines which he is said to 
inhabit below. This is not characterising it too strongly, when we 
recollect that it carries into one section of the country elements the 
most painful and pernicious that can be conceived. It is a subject 
there so delicate and so tender as scarcely to be touched or looked at, 
without pain ; and yet it is perpetually thrust, without the slightest 
chance of practical good, into view. It is also one that, although a 
not unnatural spirit of resentment, for some time past, has refused 
to recognise it with that aspect, is not without positive and extreme 
danger. It was once said by a Southern man, that sudden abolition, 
without violence, was like thrusting a red hot poker into a barrel of 
gunpowder, and supposing that it would not explode. 

To us of the North, what is this institution, which seems like the 
influence of the pole upon the needle, to fix upon itself an intensity 
of interest in proportion to the distance at which attention is aroused ? 
Seventy years ago, we gave it up as unnecessary or unsuitable to 



23 

ourselves. We did so without difficulty or danger: and there is am 
end of our connexion with it. If it be a misfortune elsewhere, it is 
equally ungenerous and unjust to be taunting our fellow-citizens with 
their calamities. If it be a crime — however inherited or cast upon 
them — it cannot be atoned for by our vicarious penitence. What- 
ever it may be, it is no concern of ours. It can cause no imaginable 
resentment in our bosoms. We have no draughts made on us for 
our sympathies : and we suffer nothing from it ourselves to call forth 
our tears. 

" What's Hecuba to us, or we to Hecuba, 
That we should weep for her?" 

This tendency to irritate and inflame, exists happily to small ex- 
tent among ourselves in this particular latitude. It exists more es- 
pecially among our friends in the East and in the West — towards the 
rising and setting sun — those men, whose fathers merited and received 
the eloquent eulogium of Mr. Burke, nearly a century ago, and whose 
energies for peace, or capacity for war, has not failed or faltered to 
the present day. With all their wisdom, they sometimes indulge a 
notion. Let us hope that this is no more ; and that it will pass away 
with the hour that gives it birth. The warm reception recently given 
to a foreign emissary, who came not to preserve the Union, proves 
that they are not disposed to permit further intermeddling than may 
suit themselves. 

They are a law abiding people, equally so at least with any in the 
country. No where is it administered with more firmness and more 
strict regard to justice. Is it from that quarter, so faithful to the 
law, that we are to hear threats of disregard for it 1 threats are we 
told, not unaccompanied by positive measures of preparation for 
actual resistance ? 

Now the power to legislate on this peculiar subject is exclusively 
in Congress. Its power was exercised soon after the Constitution 
was formed, and it invoked or authorized the agency of State officers 
for the purpose of more acceptably, in each jurisdiction, executing the 
law. When this agency of State officers was prohibited by the State 
itself, and that which yesterday was a duty, became to-day a crime 
or misdemeanor, with penalties affixed — further legislation became 
incumbent on the nation. Then, and not till then, nor even then im- 
mediately, Congress passed the Law which has convulsed the country. 
Passed it not without difficulty and mutual concession and forbear- 
ance. It is the law of the land. Enacted by that principle of ma- 
jority without which a republican government cannot for a moment 
stand. Enacted undoubtedly according to the Constitution, and so 
already judicially pronounced. Every department of the government 
has given it a solemn sanction ; and it is as firm as the everlasting 
hills, in present title, to the respect, obedience, and loyal support of 
every American citizen. None, who deserve the name, will dare to 
violate it. 

Perhaps no law of any length was ever passed that, in all its de- 
tails, met the exact concurrence of the whole body that passed it — or 



24 

even of that portion of the body that voted for it. A law is often 
complex. Sometimes it gives and takes, enlarges and restrains, 
enacts and qualifies, mixes proviso with grant, and exception with 
rule. No one hand at all times prepares it : and perhaps no one 
head gives it full assent, or is able to say that it might not be more 
agreeable if otherwise worded or conceived. What then 1 Can he 
disobey it with impunity — or disregard it without disloyalty? 
Scarcely an important law was ever passed that did not for a while 
excite surprise. Often requiring the confirmation of the judiciary ; 
always the reflection of the citizen. Still, it is the law : and in its 
sovereignty it must be obeyed. 

Let this disobedience come from what quarter it may, it is to be 
condemned. If it appear in the shape of sullen and silent discontent, 
withholding express assent, and yet without practical repudiation, 
and only short of it, let bad taste and bad feeling reconcile themselves 
as they may. If it proceed to active hostility, which is opposition 
by force of arms, it must be put down, and punished with a traitor's 
doom. It is treason, in the cautious description of that crime found 
in the Constitution. If active disobedience involve an effort, and a 
combination not only to frustrate the execution of the particular sta- 
tute, but to uproot the foundations of the government, to set a torch 
to the fair frame of the whole system under which all live and prosper, 
to cancel and tear to pieces the great bond which keeps us in happi- 
ness together — the baseness which deserved contempt, swells with 
the venom of positive crime into the ignoble dignity that must undergo 
condign punishment; and in addition to the present suffering of the 
culprit, universal execration overwhelms the parricide, who riots in 
the spoils of his parent country ; and consigns him to the perdition 
of everlasting infamy, and brands him with the reproaches of indelible 
shame. 

Let disunionists beware how they thus trample on the laws. A 
fearful agony must befal the country, if they carry out their plans. 
Havoc and ruin would overrun the land. War in its worst forms, 
would rage amidst hitherto peaceful fields ; would rend asunder the 
seated hills of every section, and the rich vallies now teeming with 
fertility and productiveness, would become richer, perhaps, to remain 
fallow, manured with the bodies of the slain. Plough-shares would 
be turned into swords, and pruning-hooks into spears. All the pur- 
suits of industry would be absorbed in the internecine trade of war. 

The value of the Union, and the evils of dissolution, have been as 
clearly perceived and as well depicted by Statesmen of South Caro- 
lina as elsewhere. Language could not be stronger than that of Mr. 
M'Duffie, of whom that State has been always justly proud. He 
wisely said : 

" The Union prevents us from wasting and destroying one another. 
It preserves relations of peace among communities, which, if broken 
into separate nations, would be arrayed against one another in per- 
petual, merciless, and ruinous war. It indeed contributes to our 
defence against foreign States, but still more, it defends us from one 
another. For ourselves, we fear that, bloody and mournful as human 



25 

history is, a sadder page than has ever been written might record the 
sufferings of this country, should we divide ourselves into separate 
communities. We fear that our country, in case of disunion, would 
be broken into communities, which would cherish towards one another 
singularly fierce and implacable enmities." 

What is the supposed panacea for all imaginary ills? Disunion 
and secession ; or rather it would seem, one of these sovereign and 
heroic remedies presented, with the other in an alternative form. 
Disunion, by general consent, which will never be given, until the 
contagion of madness which is yet only a sporadic infirmity, shall 
become epidemic through the land. Secession, which is a self- 
acting relief, is a resort upon the responsibility of those who perform 
it. It is avowed to be in contemplation, and it is threatened along 
with force — with whatever force may be necessary to accomplish the 
object. This opposition by force of arms to the United States, by 
citizens of the United States ; in other words, levying war against 
the United States, is treason. 

No warrant for secession can be found in the Constitution. There 
is no warrant for it in the ordinary frame of government. They who 
are dissatisfied may depart whenever they will. They may find a 
new country where they can. But they must not take any part of 
the country along with them, which they hold now in common with 
many more. Those who uphold this doctrine are especially 
defenders of the rights of minorities. What do they propose to do 
with those — even supposing they are a minority — who, attached to 
the Union, are desirous of remaining in its fold ? Must they be 
forced to commit treason too ? 

It is difficult to understand what is the thing complained of. You 
may read with unwearied care essays and speeches — full of com- 
plaint and anger, and threat, and non-intercourse, and secession, but 
why? or wherefore? The fanatical folly of a few domestic or 
foreign abolitionists is not surely the motive for cutting off" fifteen 
millions of people! 

The admission of California is now urged as a leading motive for 
disunion. Even if that measure had not been at first free from op- 
position, the argument at this day founded upon it, would be too 
feeble and too subtle for dependence ; and it is well known that com- 
plaints of the Union were as strongly urged anterior to that event 
and independently of it. Tendencies to separation were at least as 
uncompromising before, as they have been since. The last effort of 
Mr. Calhoun's powerful intellect was given to the Senate on the 4th 
of March. At that time California was but an embryo, and she 
remained so for more than six months afterwards. She became a 
State on the 9th of September. Yet aside from all questions con- 
nected with her condition at any moment, there had been and there 
was steady opposition to the Union. Mr. , Calhoun, whose an- 
nouncements for his State have always been regarded as authentic, 
on the 4th of March gave out, under circumstances of more than 
ordinary solemnity, that the South « has no compromise to offer but 
the Constitution, and no concession or surrender to make." An 



26 

" almost universal discontent" was admitted to pervade " all the States 
composing the Southern section of the Union." It was traced, as its 
great and primary cause, to " the fact, that the equilibrium between the 
two sections in the government, as it stood when the Constitution 
was ratified and the government put in action, has been destroyed." 
Destroyed, as it must be, if destroyed at all, by the natural develop- 
ments of the two parts of the country. The only way, according to 
the same authority in which this endangered Union can be saved, is, 
among other things, " to provide for the insertion of a provision in 
the Constitution by an amendment, which will restore to the South 
in substance the power she possessed of protecting herself, before 
the equilibrium between the sections was destroyed by the action of 
the government." The complaint resolves itself mainly into the 
disproportioned growth of the North, and thus a destruction in the 
supposed equilibrium with which the Union began. What is there 
of equilibrium in the provisions of the Constitution ? Nothing, lite- 
rally nothing. Hence the argument of an ingenious man is com- 
pelled to seek refuge, not in a remedy under the Constitution, which 
is the usual cry, but in a change of the Constitution. To this the 
answer is easy. The Constitution provides a mode for amending it 
Let that method be adopted, and, if it be a reasonable request, it will 
be listened to. If it be not, every motive of patriotism, every dic- 
tate of reason, every sense of propriety, requires that it should be 
promptly and manfully abandoned. 

MR. RUSH'S SPEECH. 

It is with some reluctance, Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens, 
that I rise before you, though but for a short time; a reluctance truly 
felt, not feigned. It is because I have been little accustomed to 
address meetings of this size, and because you have already been 
addressed by those more competent to the task, and will be by others. 
I declined being of the appointed speakers for the evening, though 
honored by a request from the committee to that effect, as I desired 
to come here merely as a looker-on and listener. But I will not, for 
I feel that I cannot, refuse myself to your call. With you heart and 
hand, I cannot withhold the small contribution of my voice, nor can 
I avoid catching the holy impulse of the occasion. 

To the resolutions, specially, I need not speak, as already they 
have been well explained. We have assembled here not so much to 
convince each other of the truth and nobleness of our cause, for on 
those points I am to presume we are of one mind, as to strengthen each 
other's convictions, and send them forth to the world ; to animate 
each other in feeling ; to kindle, it may be, some enthusiasm, so that 
we may be enabled, after separating, to labor each in his own way, 
with the more resolution and zeal in support of our great cause. It 
is the cause of the nation, the cause of both parties, the cause of all 
parties — the paramount cause of the Union. (Applause.) I rejoice 
at this great meeting in this great city. I rejoice that we are adding 
our example to others that have been set elsewhere of great public 



27 

meetings, to draw out and corroborate the voice of the people on the 
mighty question that has been agitating, and still agitates, the 
country. 

I call this a great city. It is so in numbers ; and the events of 
which it has been the theatre in American history, make it a place 
memorable in the eyes of the whole Union. Some of them were 
alluded to in one of the resolutions, to which, I doubt not, all our 
hearts responded. Yes, fellow-citizens, almost within hearing of 
my voice assembled that noble band of the Anglo-Saxon race, (a 
race great and glorious among nations !) from whose unconquerable 
spirit of freedom and courage, issued the great charter of American 
Independence. It broke brilliantly upon the world, and_would have 
been ventured upon by none but a race trained to freedom, and know- 
ing how to assert and secure it. But that deed, transcendant as it 
was, might have been of no value, might have turned out worse 
than useless, but for the Federal Constitution that followed it. 

It is known to all acquainted with the great story of our revolution, 
that from the close of the bloody struggle of seven years to the adop- 
tion of that Constitution, we had fallen to the lowest point of national 
depression. Internal prosperity, we had none. Respect from abroad 
we had none. Portentous clouds hung over the future. The hearts 
of our people were beginning to sink. Disappointments had come 
over all, the more bitter as hope had been so high. For a while it 
seemed as if no blessings, but the reverse, were to flow from our 
triumph in arms over the hosts of Britain ; all plumed, disciplined, 
and formidable as they were. The government which had held us 
together whilst fighting them, utterly failed afterwards. 

Then assembled, in this city, another band of patriots and sages, 
with Washington at their head. From their mature wisdom, ample 
experience, and long-tried devotion to their country, the Federal 
Constitution came into being. Yes, in that consecrated building close 
by, and under the shady walks of the ancient elms that surrounded 
it, were carried on from day to day, from month to month, the pro- 
tracted inquiries, the anxious deliberations, the supremely able dis- 
cussions, that resulted in establishing the great charier of our Union — 
the present Constitution of the United States. As a political fabric, 
one, entire and complete, admirably combining the federative with 
the national principle, complex in its parts, yet harmonious in the 
whole, that great work has never perhaps been equalled by human 
hands. (Great applause.) Do not let me seem to exaggerate. I 
desire to say only whnt severe judgment would ratify. The Decla- 
ration of Independence, bold, lofty-minded, wise and inevitable as it 
was, only threw into being the disjointed parts and elements of a 
great nation. It was the Federal Union alone that could cement 
them together. 

If, fellow-citizens, I had with me here to-night a volume of the 
* Federalist,' I would dare to encroach upon your time by reading a 
few short passages from some of its earlier numbers. In looking 
into them lately, I was struck beyond expression at their applicability 
to the discussions going on among us at this immediate crisis. I 
paused in admiration at the force and beauty of language descriptive 



23 

of the evils we suffered under the old articles of confederation, and 
at the irresistible demonstration of the advantages which the new 
Constitution would not fail to secure. 

In this connexion, I will ask your permission to relate a personal 
anecdote occurring when I had the high honor of representing this 
great Republic abroad. When last in Europe in that capacity, it 
was my lot to know M. Guizot and see him often. He was then 
prime minister of the French government. I need scarcely say to you 
that he is reputed to be among the most profound of living statesmen. 
Many think him also, as for one I do, among the purest. It happened 
once that I fell into conversation with, him about this work — the 
'Federalist.' I was delighted to find him familiar with it; and most 
especially was I struck at hearing him sum up his opinion of it in 
these remarkable words : he said, as nearly as I could recall his 
words and note them down at the time, that " in the application of 
elementary principles of government to practical administration, it 
was the greatest work known to him.'''' See the scope of thought, 
mark the power of analysis and criticism, here put into few words ! 
Theoretically and practically, for this is the amount of the homage 
he offered to the work, it was the greatest ivork known to him ; to 
one, perhaps the best read statesman in Europe, who was at the same 
time plunged in great public affairs, and also the best daily, practical 
orator and debater in the French chambers. To give this opinion 
from a source so high, application to the object for which we have 
assembled, let me recall to your recollection the great purpose of the 
« Federalist.' Its sole end and aim, from first to last, is to explain 
the provisions, enlarge upon the advantages, and pronounce the sober 
eulogy of the Constitution of the United States ! (Great applause.) 

Indulge me in saying something more of this justly famed work, 
alike pertinent to our great meeting to-night. It was the pro- 
duction, with slight exceptions, of those two master minds, Hamil- 
ton and Madison, who had each so largely helped to form the Con- 
stitution. Not ephemeral Statesmen were these two great men; not 
of the class extolled to the skies when their party is uppermost, and 
dropping into oblivion afterwards-. No, they were not such men. 
They were of the highest order of intellectual power, and of perpetual 
patriotism ; men observant of the present as it was before them, in- 
structed in the past, and therefore wise in the future ; men really 
fitted to found governments, by their ability to penetrate into the 
permanent wants and interests of communities ; men able to put 
the impress of their comprehensive minds upon their country and 
posterity, and upon whom the most discriminating intellects among 
mankind have already put the verdict of lasting approbation ; for the 
praise of Mr. Guizot, high as it is, is but a portion of the exalted 
tribute their work has earned. The world has set its favorable seal 
to it. And now hear a word more from me which I have it at heart 
to utter to you. These two great men, Madison and Hamilton, 
differed on points of public administration, whilst acting together 
so cordially, so usefully, so triumphantly, in the vast work, the 
difficult work, at times almost the hopeless work, of building up the 



29 

Constitution and the Union. So let it be with us, fellow-citizens. 
Let those assembled here to-night imitate their example in that 
one particular at least. However we may differ on points of ad- 
ministration, let us always continue together, heart and soul, in pre- 
serving the Constitution and the Union. (Great applause.) Here 
is a basis broad enough for all to stand upon. May it prove one of 
adamant. May it last for ever. 

I have claimed for our cherished city, fellow-citizens, that 
here Independence was declared ; here the Constitution formed. 
Proud historical memorials they both are. The august and 
illustrious of the land seem to have turned their eyes to this 
city as a common centre, when desiring to come together on the 
highest national concerns. And is there no other fond me- 
morial for us? Yes, there is still another. It is infinitely 
precious. Here was written Washington's farewell address. 
Here was matured that immortal document. I say immortal; for 
should the Union be destroyed, that document will survive. It will 
survive to fill with pain our bosoms, and those of our descendants, 
that the Union was ever allowed to be destroyed. Re-constructed it 
never could be. That farewell address, considered in the light of 
affectionate, parting counsel to a nation from its first citizen, and 
greatest benefactor, has been pronounced by an eminent historian of 
Europe, not remarkable for his attachment to us, superior to any 
production that ever emanated from "uninspired wisdom." If, fel- 
low-citizens, all that has accrued to us of prosperity and renown since 
the Union was formed ; if the success, almost miraculous, which, 
under its powerful, magnificent, wing, we have had in all ways, as a 
nation, in the grand accumulation and aggregate of our affairs, no 
matter what the errors or deficiencies which ingenuity and partial 
discontent may be able to invent, or even fairly to state ; if all this, 
and more, should be insufficient to rally us to the support of the Union, 
let Washington's parting advice do it. Let his spirit be our saving 
angel. Let it gather round the Union all hearts. Let us hold on to 
it as his most unequivocal, most anxious, most solemn advice. He 
took it — he helped to form it — he approved it — he would have fought 
— he would have died for it. But he took it, and otherwise would 
never have taken it, with its full sanction of the ancient, undoubted 
rights of the South — slavery and all. (Cheers.) 

Fellow-citizens, I feel that already 1 have been trespassing upon 
your time. Yet I feel that I cannot sit down without venturing to 
obtrude upon you one more personal recollection. Born in Phila- 
delphia, I have a boy's remembrance, dim in some things, vivid in 
others, of the grand federal processiun in '88, to celebrate the adop- 
tion of the Constitution. A great day it really was, for it was also 
the 4th of July. I have seen coronations since, and the pageantry 
of kings ; but they made not the impression upon me that day did. 
It was enough to make Union men of all. That grand procession 
passed along our principal streets. It went from South Street all 
along Third Street northwards, to Callowhill Street. Going through 



30 

several other streets, Market Street among them, it finally turned ofi" 
to Bush-Hill, the seat of William Hamilton, then rural and beautiful 
in all its scenery and appearances. There, on the extensive lawn 
before his ancient mansion, the festivities of the day wound up amidst 
the firing of cannon, bands playing the national airs, orations, sports, 
good cheer of every kind, and all other manifestations of unmingled 
national joy. In the salons of the hospitable proprietor, tables were 
spread for his guests and friends; for there, after the procession had 
passed through the streets, I was taken by my parents, as other little 
fellows were by theirs, to see the whole show as congregated on the 
beautiful lawn, and in full view from the steps and windows of the 
mansion. 

But I am yet to tell you of the main thing, in my eyes, as the pro- 
cession moved along Third Street, notwithstanding that it embraced 
all trades, all arts and professions, troops, ornamental cars, glittering- 
domes, silver eagles, gorgeous banners, and I know not what besides. 
It was a Ship. She was rigged man-of-war fashion. She had guns, 
lieutenants, midshipmen, a seaman heaving the lead, a pilot on board, 
and every thing complete. Canvass painted to resemble the sea, 
dropped from her water line, concealing the machinery that moved 
her. It looked as if the wind did it, her sails being set and trimmed 
to the wind. What enchantment, that sight, to a boy! The stars 
and stripes flew from her mast head. O, fellow-citizens, how em- 
blematic that ship of our boundless commerce as it has since become, 
and as you heard it stated by our distinguished first speaker to-night, 
the late Vice-President of the United States. And those stars and 
stripes — how did they prefigure our naval glory ! how foretell the 
deeds of those gallant spirits who, in their few frigates, faced the 
companions of Nelson in battle, and made the ocean resplendent 
with victories over the mighty flag of Britain such as no nation had 
ever before won, the Decaturs, Stewarts, Biddies, Burroughs's — I 
name only those from our own Philadelphia, not going on with the. 
brilliant list — how prophetic of all this was that part of the grand 
and patriotic procession I am here recalling to you ! (Great ap- 
plause.) 

But now comes the most important item of all — the name of the 
ship I thus beheld moving as if by enchantment — her name was 
the UNION ! (Applause.) This name floated in the air on her 
flags, was seen on her stern, beamed all over her. Was not this 
enough to make a Union man of me all the days of my life. So I 
have been ; so I will continue. The feeling ran through my boyish 
heart, grew stronger in manhood, has become a conviction, a faith, 
in riper years. At all times, under all circumstances and vicissi- 
tudes, at home and abroad, in peace and war, under all administra- 
tions, republican or federal, whig or democratic, I go for the Union. 
It is a glorious Union. Let us all go for it, and may none live to 
see.it destroyed. (Cheers and applause.) 

Mr. Rush then resumed his seat. 



31 

COL. PAGE being called for then rose and said : — 

Fellow Citizens — As one of the originators of the call under 
which you are assembled, I am here to-night to assist in the objects 
of this meeting so far as my humble abilities will permit me so to do. 
So much has been said, and so eloquently and truly said as to the 
matter under your particular cognizance, that if I were to attempt to 
elaborate any one point already presented to your notice, I should 
prove tiresome; the novelty is gone, and the force of further remark 
will in a measure be lost. Permit me, however, to claim your atten- 
tion for a few minutes. 

I thought, as did others who moved with me in this call, that there 
was great peril impending over our country, that there was a dark 
cloud in the horizon, full of fearful import to us, as a nation. We 
think so still — and so thinking we should have lacked the feelings and 
impulses of Americans if we had not come to the rescue, to perform 
a small part in the work of preserving the peace of the country and 
protecting our free institutions from the dangers which threaten them. 

It was thought too, that there could be found a platform upon 
which we could all assemble, where the name of Whig, Democrat, 
and Native, and all party feeling could for a time be laid aside, and 
where we could stand together for our country's good as Americans, 
and fraternize as brothers. With these motives a platform has been 
presented to you, with an altar at which you can offer service, and 
you have readily and warmly accepted it. We are here, therefore, 
for no parly objects or selfish or sinister purposes, but for the great 
cause of the Union. 

I am an American, every part and parcel of me, flesh and blood, 
bone and sinew, heart and soul American ; I can talk to my fellow 
citizens on all subjects, and freely express my opinions, conceding 
to them the right of differing in as broad a sense as I claim it for 
myself, but I have an utter abhorrence for the hireling foreigner who 
ventures to intrude himself into our National concerns, and cannot 
endure his insolent interference. (Applause.) We are competent to 
manage our own affairs, and the best way to do so is to stay at home 
and attend to them. If some of us of the North were to do this^our 
brethren of the South would have but little to complain of, and we 
should not then b,e agitated by hostile feelings towards each other. 
We can best perform our duty to them as well as to ourselves, under 
he Constitution and the Law, by letting them alone; by minding our 
own business. Remove the cause, and the effect will cease. 

The platform presented on this occasion is a high and holy one. 
It. rises superior to that of party. It is the platform of the Union, of 
the Constitution, of the Law; of Harmony, faith, justice, and order. 
(Applause.) The same platform which the wise statesmen of the past 
originated and formed, and which the patriots of the present day have 
endeavored to protect and preserve. With it I am willing to peril 
my all, sink or swim, survive or perish, for it is the work of Wash- 
ington and Jefferson, Jackson and Clay, Cass and Webster, Foote, 
Douglass and Dickinson, and of other great and good men, many of 
whose names must be fresh in the memory of all, and whose devotion 



32 

will stamp them in colors of glory on the pages of their country's 
history. Take it, therefore, as the National platform, the work of 
the staunchest friends living or dead of American freedom, and stand 
by the Constitution, the Union, and the Law. 

Allow me to say to you, fellow citizens, that it is for the Northern 
States to roll back the wild waves of fanaticism and stop the black- 
tide of treason. (Applause.) The South say, and they say truly, 
that the issues as to this Union are in the hands of the people of the 
North. I am, therefore, glad to see in the city of Penn, the citizens 
of Pennsylvania rallying to the rescue in the manner in which you 
have gathered to-night. May this meeting be but the introductory to 
many more of a like kind, and with a kindred spirit to show that there 
can be no mistake as to the sentimenls of the people of this great 
State in this eventful crisis. (Applause.) 

Whatever may be our differences of opinion as to the men and 
measures of Government, however much we may divide on party 
principles, let us all go hence to-night resolved honestly to discharge 
our duties to the parties to which we severally belong, but resolved at 
the same time that we will vote for no aspirant for place or power 
either in the State or National Government, unless we know him to 
be true to the Union, the Constitution, and the Law; unless we know 
him to be sternly against any further agitation of the Slavery ques- 
tion, and believe him to be solid and sound upon and in favor of all 
the Peace measures, the Compromises of the last session of Congress, 
and prepared to stand by them to the end. (Applause.) 

If we do no more than speak our sentiments to-night on the great 
question which has called us together, if we do no more than resolve, 
we shall have done but little towards effecting the objects we have 
in view. We must act firmly and fearlessly as well as speak. There 
must be deeds as well as words, to secure to the South, the wronged 
and insulted South, their rights under the Constitution by the enforce- 
ment of the Fugitive Slave Bill at every peril and every hazard, in 
despite of the efforts of foreign hirelings and domestic fanatics, dema- 
gogues and traitors. (Applause.) 

Fellow citizens, I do not mean to detain you much longer. You 
have heard able and eloquent speeches, much better than aliening 
in my power to offer, but I will say that there is not a heart in this 
vast assemblage that responds with more fervor to the cause of his 
country than mine. (Applause.) Next to my God, I owe my duty 
to it, (applause) and will perform it in all sincerity and truth. To 
give greater effect to what has been said and done, I shall propose 
before leaving the meeting that our proceedings, signed by the Chair- 
man and Secretaries, be transmitted to the President of the Senate 
and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, so that the wise and 
goo-d men and true patriots of both Houses of Congress, who rose 
superior to all personal and party views and stood by the Union, 
ready to sacrifice themselves for it, in the hour of its peril and danger, 
shall receive the voice of encouragement and gratitude at our hands 
and from our hearts. (Applause.) 

There are others here prepared to speak, and as my voice from 



33 

having spoken elsewhere is not sufficiently strong further to address 
you, I shall conclude by begging you to bear in mind that the Con- 
stitution, our guide and protection, was given to us by the mighty 
men of the Revolution as a sacred trust, which we are solemnly 
bound to transmit unimpaired to posterity; that it was framed in a 
spirit of concession and compromise betsveen equal and sovereign 
Slates by the purest and best of men, and that it has stood long 
enough to test its value to humanity and freedom. We should see 
that this great prize is preserved, that the Union be not destroyed by 
the violation of the National compact, either in letter or spirit, for 
with the destruction of that Union go down the hopes of our people 
and of the world. Let us then rally to the rescue, let us interpose 
between the Constitution and those fanatics and traitors who seek its 
destruction. (Applause.) Let us do justice to the South, full, free 
and ample justice — it is all they ask. The true way to convince 
them that we will do so, as remarked by one of the eloqupnt speakers, 
is to let them alone and enforce the law, the Fugitive Slave Law. 
(Applause.) If we stand by this and the other measures of peace, 
then we send to our Southern brethren the assurance that all is right 
with us, that we are acting in good faith, and that the Union will be 
preserved with all its compromises, now and forever. 

Do this, and we shall be in time to come as in time past, a band of 
brothers, protected by one flag, united in one feeling, and desiring but 
one destiny. 

I thank you for the patient attention you have given to my remarks. 

MR. ISAAC HAZLEHURST said that it gave him great plea- 
sure to meet his fellow-citizens on this occasion. He knew that the 
call for this meeting would be responded to by patriotic citizens of all 
parties. The platform is the Union — the Constitution — our beloved 
Country. A union which has been cemented by the blood of patriotic 
fathers — a Constitution which in its provisions is the most liberal in 
the world, and a country teeming with life and energy, the admiration 
of all nations. 

Before the adoption of the present Constitution, said Mr. H., Union 
had existed among several of the States, which was essential to their 
safety and prosperity. As early as 1643, this Union was distinguished 
by the name of the "United Colonies of New England." The close 
of the last century found the American people living under articles of 
confederation, framed at a season of common danger, and effective 
only by the influence of a higher Union, the consequence of intolerable 
wrongs. 

In 1787, a convention of delegates assembled in this city to revise, 
amend, and alter the articles of Confederation. That convention pre- 
sented, among the delegates, a union of signal ability and patriotism. 
All the States but one were represented. There were many and diffi- 
cult interests to be consulted and reconciled: and after a long period 
of deliberation, the present Constitution was adopted in the spirit of 
true patriotism and mutnal concession. The Constitution was the 
fruit of the Union — and it was to make the Union more perfect that 

3 



34 

it was ordained and established. Union was the basis of the Consti- 
tution. The American Constitution has been submit'ed to the people, 
and has received their assent and ratification. Every attempt to 
weaken its provisions or the laws made in pursuance thereof, impairs 
the value of the Union by rendering it less perfect. 

By the fundamental law of this Government persons held to service 
or labour shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such 
service or labour may be due. Here, the duty of restitution is made 
part of the Constitution. 

At the period of the adoption of the Constitution, it was thought 
that this provision could be enforced through the agency of State 
Officers. The Act of Congress of 1793 did not contemplate the 
agency of the officers of the General Government — nor would the 
present law have been necessary, had not State legislation rendered 
the provisions of the former law a dead letter. 

When, said Mr. H., a law is passed to enforce a guarantee of the 
Constitution — patriotism demands fidelity from every citizen. The 
Constitution knows no higher law than its own provisions. Obedience 
to every law is the duty of all, and it is the duty of all to enforce 
obedience to every law. The Constitution cannot be impaired in part. 
It is like the columns of some mighty structure, giving and taking 
strength, no part can be removed without infringement of the general 
symmetry. 

It is the preservation of the Union thus far, that has made us what 
we are. It found us at its adoption, weak — it beholds us powerful 
The blessings of liberty — the splendid triumphs of the mechanic arts, 
the still greater consolations of religious toleration, are the results of 
Union. These are matters of history — the past is secure. Let us 
then renew our pledges of affection to the Constitution, and here, upon 
the spot of its adoption, let us set up our banners. 

The position of Pennsylvania on the Constitutional question has 
never changed. It always has been National. She has ever been 
true to the guarantees of the Constitution. Her Judiciary have 
throughout maintained this provision of the Constitution in its in- 
tegrity, — while the people of this ancient Commonwealth, abating not 
a jot of their hatred to Slavery, have been faithful in maintaining the 
rights of the other members of the Union. 

If, said Mr. H., the provisions of the Constitution are disregarded 
and the laws annulled, where is that "perfect Union?" Gone! and 
as the beautiful structure of the Republic crumbles beneath us, there 
will appear in sad relief — dissevered States — sectional burnings — 
jarring interests. 

Whose then will be the associations of the past ! What will be the 
position of this great Commonwealth? What will be our destiny? 
Who will claim the flag — the flag of the Union? — that cherished 
record of trials and triumphs — that flag which heralds the Urnon 
from every mast head; now floating in holiday triumphs — now full 
high advanced amid the din of arms. Let that flag be the orator on 
this occasion; and, as it marshalls us the way that we should go — 
never — never — let it be displayed with the " Union down" 



35 

The Resolutions were here put to the meeting, and adopted with 
great applause. During the reading by Mr. Dallas, they were 
vehemently cheered, especially those in reference to the rio-id en- 
forcement of the Fugitive Slave Law. 

After Mr. Hazlehurst spoke, Col. James Page offered a resolu- 
tion that the proceedings of this meeting be published, signed by 
the officers, and forwarded to the President of the United States, 
the Speaker of the House, and the President of the Senate — which 
resolution was adopted amid great applause 

On motion, the meeting adjourned sine die. 

JOHN SERGEANT, President. 
J. C. Montgomery, S. W. Weer, G. G. Westcott, B. H. 
Brewster, E. W. Bailey, J. H. Diehl, W. V. Boyle, J. G. 
Brenner, T. S. Fernon, H. M. Phillips, C. J. Biddle, W. J. 
Jackson, W. H. Drayton, H. Connelly, W. Sargent, G. J. 
Gross, Secretaries. 



CORRESPONDENCE. 



MR. DALLAS'S Letter to the Committee, written several days 
before the Meeting. 

November 14, 1850. 

Gentlemen: — I have just received your note, dated the 11th in- 
stant, conveying the information that you have selected me to fill the 
office of one of the Vice-Presidents at" the Union meeting on Thurs- 
day. Although much honored by your choice it will not be in my 
power to attend to its duties, and 1 must therefore beg you to substi- 
tute some other gentleman. 

Having heartily joined in the popular movement you are direct- 
ing, in the hope that it will be instrumental in saving the Union and 
Constitution from actual and augmenting peril, I throw myself upon 
your indulgence while venturing to inlrude upon you my anxious 
conviction as to the only tone which can, for the great purpose de- 
signed, be usefully given to the proposed meeting. As we are all 
actuated by the same patriotism, I persuade myself to believe that 
you will pardon, if you should not approve, my suggestions. 0[ the 
measures of adjustment adopted by Congress, one only can be affected 
by future legislation. The others are beyond the reach of recall or 
modification. California is a State; the boundary of Texas is fixed 
by her own assent ; New Mexico and Utah have territorial Govern- 
ments upon the usual principles and forms. These things are done 



36 

— conclusively and unalterably done. No sort of agitation can undo 
them ; and the perception of this practical truth will, I feel assured, 
prevent their continuing subjects of agitation, either seriously or 
long. Not so with the Fugitive Slave Bill. That has already been 
threatened with repeal — that is, therefore the point of danger. Now, 
in the existing condition of public feeling, North and South, mere 
generalities in favor of the Union will produce little or no effect. To 
speak impressively it is absolutely necessary to be specific : and on no 
topic connected with the Constitution and the rescue of the Union, can 
specification be equally beneficial as on the Fugtive Slave Bill. Will 
you then excuse me for intimating that having exclusively in view 
the preservation of the Union and Constitution, the obvious, if not the 
only direct and effective course is to proclaim the Fugitive Slave Law 
to be Constitutional, just and expedient; to call upon onr fellow 
citizens to obey it as a necessary part of the constitutional guarantee, 
which we are all bound to fulfil in good faith'.' Nor is this enough 
for us of Pennsylvania to do. More will naturally be expected. We 
have unguardedly heretofore lent a hand to impair the true spirit and 
meaning of the federal compact, by legislating adversely to the Con- 
stitutional right of pursuing fugitives from labor. That legislation 
has tended to bring into question our fidelity to the fixed guarantee of 
the Union; and has, in some degree, encouraged those who would 
cheerfully trample down, or break through the Constitution, and rend 
the Union, if by so doing, they can put an end to Southern Slavery. 
Are we not then bound, when we see the Union in jeopardy, and when 
we assemble to do what we can to save it, to invoke the Legislature to 
retrace its steps, to repeal all the acts inconsistent with the integrity, 
and harmony of the Union, and especially to repeal those laws which 
inflict penalties on such of our magistracy as shall aid in sustaining 
our federal faith, and which deny the use of our prisons to citizens 
engaged in executing the federal laws? Can we stand absolved from 
reproach, if at this alarming juncture, and with ardent professions of 
patriotism, we pause half way in the path of candid inculcation, and 
fail to do what I have thus hastily and crudely indicated ? Really, I 
think not. The country — the only country we have or ever ean 
have — is at stake; and if we move at all to save it, let our movement 
be frank, fearless and effective. 

Renewing my apology for addressing you thus freely I am, sin- 
cerely and most respectfully, gentlemen, your friend and obedient 
servant, 

G M. DALLAS. 
To Josiah Randall, Chairman; Charles Ingersoll, Isaac Hazlehurst, 
John W. Forney. R. M. Lee, and John S. Riddle, Secretary — Com- 
mittee. 



37 



CORRESPONDENCE. 

The following letter was addressed by the Committee on Invi- 
tations to Messrs. Clay, Cass, Webster, Foote, Dickinson, Cooper, 
Buchanan, Walker, Jas. A. Bayard, Granger, Badger, Stock- 
ton, and Ketchum. The following answers havebeen received : 

Philadelphia, Nov. 11th, 1850. 
Dear Sir — On behalf of the friends of the Constitution and the 
Union, without distinction of party, resident in the city and county 
of Philadelphia, we request the honor of your attendance at a public 
meeting, to be held on Thursday, the 21st of November inst.,at seven 
o'clock, P. M., at the Chinese Museum, in this city. 

In making this communication, we tender to you our thanks for 
the patriotism, energy, and ability with which, during the recent 
public discussions, you have maintained the principles of the original 
Federal compact, and exhibited to the people the blessings of our 
happy and glorious Union. 

We hope you will comply with this invitation, and give our fellow- 
citizens an opportunity of testifying to you in person, their gratitude 
for the noble efforts you have made to perpetuate the institutions of 
our Republic and the blessings of civil and religious liberty. 
We remain, dear sir, 

Your friends and fellow-citizens, 

Josiah Randall, 
John W. Forney, 
John S. Riddle, 
Robert M. Lee. 
Isaac Hazlehurst, 
Charles Ingersoll. 

LETTER FROM HON. HENRY CLAY. 

Ashland, 8th Nov., 1850. 

Gentlemen — I have your letter inviting my attendance at a con- 
templated Union meeting of the people in Philadelphia. I should 
have been highly gratified to have been able to be present on such a 
distinguished occasion ; but the necessary attention to my private 
affairs forbids my leaving home so soon after my return from the 
late protracted session of Congress. 

I rejoice in the proposed public demonstration and other similar 
manifestations of public sentiment of the North. The question 
before the nation is (it would be folly to blind or disguise it), whether 
agitation against slavery shall put down the Union, or the Union 
shall be preserved, and that agitationjjjbe put down. There is no 
other alternative. And is there any patriot that can doubt or hesi- 
tate on such an issue ? 

With great respect, I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, 

H. CLAY. 
To Josiah Randall, John W. Forney, Isaac Hazlehurst, C. Inger- 
soll, John S. Riddle, R. M. Lee. 



38 



LETTER FROM HON. DANIEL WEBSTER. 

Boston, Nov. 14th, 1850. jg 

Gentlemen — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter of the 11th of this month, inviting me, on behalf of the friends 
of the Constitution and the Union, without distinction of party, resi- 
dent in the city and county of Philadelphia, to attend a public meeting 
in that city, on the 21st instant. 

I most sincerely wish that it was in my power to attend that 
meeting. That great central city is not only full of the friends of the 
Constitution, but full also of recollections connected with its adoption 
and other great events in our history. In Philadelphia the first 
Revolutionary Congress assembled ; in Philadelphia the Declaration 
of Independence was made; in Philadelphia the Constitution was 
framed, and received the signatures of Washington and his associates. 
And now when there is a spirit abroad, evidently laboring to effect 
the separation of the Union, and the subversion of the Constitution, 
Philadelphia of all places, seems the fittest for the assembling 
together of the friends of that Constitution and that Union, to pledge 
ihemselves to one another, and to the country, to the last extremity. 

My public duties, gentlemen, require my immediate presence in 
Washington, and for that reason, and that alone, I must deny myself 
the pleasure of accepting your invitation. 

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, with great regard, your obliged 
fellow-citizen and humble servant, 

DANIEL WEBSTER. 
To Messrs. Josiah Randall, Isaac Hazlehurst, Robert M. Lee, C 

Ingersoll, John W. Forney, John S. Riddle, Philadelphia. 

LEFTER FROM HON. DANIEL S. DICKINSON. 

BiNGHAMPTON, N. Y., Nov. 19, 1850. 

Gentlemen — Your polite note, inviting me, on behalf of the friends 
of the Constitution, without distinction of party, resident in the city 
and county of Philadelphia, to attend a public meeting in said city 
on the twenty-first instant, was duly received, and I regret that 
arrangements previously made, will not enable me to leave home for 
the South at so early a day. 

I have perused that part of your kind communication in which 
you so generously commend my exertions in the public counsels, 
with the profoundest emotion; and in testifying my high appreci- 
ation of its value, tender you, as the only tribute I can offer, the 
warm acknowledgments of a grateful heart. Heaven will bear wit- 
ness that it has been my anxious desire to discharge with fidelity, 
during a period of unusual darkness and trial, a responsible public 
trust; and though hunted by a madness so enduring that it yields 
not to the influences of the moon, and a malignity which has been 



39 

■deprived of its long-anticipated banquet of official spoils, the cheering 
plaudits of my patriotic fellow-citizens, without political distinction, 
more than repays me for it, and brings the highest rewards that a 
public servant can receive. 

The time has at last arrived, thank heaven, when pretension will 
speedily be divested of its disguises — when the demagogue will be 
covered with the loathing and scorn which his vile vocation merits — 
when fanaticism will receive its appropriate share of pity and deri- 
sion, and when the mask will be torn from the face of the hypocrite. 
There is no longer a half-way lodgment for calculating and necessi- 
tous politicians through which the institutions of our sister States 
can be assailed and the spirit of the Constitution violated. The 
action of the late session of Congress disposed of provisoism and all 
its stupid and mischievous concomitants, and there is no practical 
element of strife and agitation left, but that article of the Constitution 
which provides for the restoration of fugitive slaves. Let this ques- 
tion be promptly and fairly met, and let those who attempt to sub- 
vert the Constitution stand forth in their hideous deformity as guilty 
before man as they are guilty before God. It is a question fraught 
with results of the most serious character. It will rise above all 
partisan considerations, and if resisted will sweep away all present 
political organization. It will bring together with an high and holy 
motive the friends of law and order on the one hand, and on the 
other those black with treason and spotted with treachery and dis- 
union. Let the friends of the Constitution and the Union set the 
battle in array, by declaring that they will under no circumstances 
assent to a repeal of the law for the recovery of fugitive slaves, nor 
to any change or modification which shall destroy its efficiency or 
bring it below the requirements of the Constitution, and we shall 
then learn whether there is yet virtue and intelligence to uphold our 
social fabric, or whether it stands by the sufferance of the weak and 
the designing. Let the issue be taken, and that boldly, and I have 
no fears for the result. When the question is once fairly and 
directly before the American people, they will vindicate the integrity 
of their institutions from the assaults of the spoiler, and consign him 
to a punishment more infamous than that of Haman. The monster 
disunion will be driven beyond our borders by the strong arm of 
manhood — its curses will tremble on the lip of the aged — the gentle 
voice of woman will pray that its accursed influences may nofde- 
scend upon her offspring, and children will raise their little hands 
against it as a ferocious spirit which has come hither to torment them 
before their time. 

I will be with you in spirit at your gathering, and may God speed 
your patriotic efforts. I have penned this letter amid constant inter- 
ruptions and in great haste, and have only time to subscribe myself 
your friend and fellow citizen, 

D. S. Dickinson. 
Messrs. Josiah Randall, John W. Forney, Isaac Hazlehurst, R. M. 

Lee, Charles Ingersoll. 



40 

LETTER FROM HON. JAMES BUCHANAN. 

Wheatland, near Lancaster, Nov. 19, 1850. 
Gentlemen— I have been honored by the receipt of your very 
kind invitation, "in behalf of the friends of the Constitution and the 
Union, without distinction of party, resident in the city and county 
of Philadelphia," to attend a public meeting, to be held on the 21st 
instant, at the Chinese Museum. I regret that engagements, which 
I need not specify, will deprive me of the pleasure and the privilege 
of uniting with the great, patriotic, and enlightened community of 
your city and county in manifesting their attachment for the Consti- 
tution and the Union, in the present alarming crisis of our public 
affairs. 

On a recent occasion, at the celebration of the opening of the 
Eastern portion of our great Central Rail Road from Philadelphia to 
Pittsburg, I said that the cordial support of that magnificent im- 
provement was a platform on which all Pennsylvanians, of every 
political denomination, could stand together in harmony. The senti- 
ment elicited an enthusiastic response from all present, whether 
Democrats or Whigs. I now say that the platform of our blessed 
Union is strong enough and broad enough to sustain all true-hearted 
Americans. It is an elevated, a glorious platform, on which the 
down-trodden nations of the earth gaze with hope and desire, with 
admiration and astonishment. Our Union is the Star in the West, 
whose genial and steadily increasing influence will, at last, should we 
remain a united people, dispel the fgloom of despotism from the 
ancient nations of the world. Its moral power will prove to be more 
potent than millions of armed mercenaries. And shall this glorious 
star set in darkness before it has accomplished half its mission ? 
Heaven forbid ! Let us all exclaim, with the heroic Jackson, " The 
Union must and shall be preserved." 

And what a Union this has been ! The history of the human 
race presents no parallel to it. The bit of striped bunting, which 
was to be swiftly swept from the ocean, by the British navy, accord- 
ing to the prediction of a British Statesman previous to!the war of 
1812, is now displayed in every sea and in every port of the habit- 
able globe. Our glorious stars and stripes, the flag of our country, 
now protects Americans in every clime. "I am a Roman citizen!" 
was once the proud exclamation which every where shielded an 
ancient Roman from insult and injustice. " I am an American citi- 
zen !" is now an exclamation of almost equal potency, throughout 
the civilised world. This is a tribute due to the power and the 
resources of these thirty-one united States. In a just cause we may 
defy the world in arms. We have lately presented a spectacle which 
has astonished even the greatest Captain of the age. At the call of 
their country an irresistible host of armed men, and men too skilled 
in the use of arms, sprung up like the soldiers of Cadmus, from the 
mountains and valleys of our great confederacy. The struggle among 
them was not who should remain at home ; but who should enjoy 
the privilege of braving the dangers and the privations of a foreign 



41 

war in defence of their country's rights. Heaven forbid that the 
question of slavery should ever prove to be the stone thrown into 
their midst by Cadmus to make them turn their arms against each 
other and perish in mutual conflict ! 

Whilst our power as a united people secures us against the in- 
justice and assaults of foreign enemies, what has been our con- 
dition at home ? Here every citizen stands 'erect in the proud 
proportions bestowed upon him by his Maker, and feels himself 
equal to his fellow man. He is protected by a government of just 
laws in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and property. He sits down 
under his own vine and his own fig-tree, and there is none to make 
him afraid. A vast confederacy composed of thirty-one sovereign 
and independent States is open before him, in which he feels himself 
to be every where at home, and may any where throughout its ex- 
tended limits seek his own prosperity and happiness in his own way. 
The most perfect freedom of intercourse prevails among all the 
States. 

Here the blessings of free trade have been realized under the 
Constitution of the United States, and by the consent of all, to a 
greater extent than the world has ever witnessed. Our domestic ton- 
nage and capital employed in this trade, exceed, beyond all com- 
parison, that employed in our trade with all the rest of the world. 
The mariner of Maine, after braving the dangers of the passage 
around Cape Horn, finds himself at home in his own country, when 
entering the distant port of San Francisco, on the other side of the 
world. 

Heaven seems to have bound these States together by adamantine 
bonds of powerful interest. They are mutually dependent on each 
other, — mutually necessary to each other's welfare. The numerous 
and powerful commonwealths which are spread over the valley of 
the Mississippi must seek the markets of the world for their pro- 
ductions, through the mouth of that father of rivers. A strong naval 
power is necessary to keep this channel always free in time of war ; 
and an immense commercial marine is required to carry their pro- 
ductions to the markets of the world, and bring back their returns. 
The same remark applies with almost equal force to the cotton 
growing and planting States on the Gulf of Mexico, and on the 
Atlantic. Who is to supply this naval power and this commercial 
marine ? The hardy and enterprising sons of the North, whose home 
has always been on the mountain wave. Neither the pursuits nor 
the habits of the people of the Western and the Southern States, fit 
them for such an employment. They are naturally the producers, 
whilst the Northern people are the carriers. This establishes a 
mutual and profitable dependence upon each other, which is one of 
the strongest bonds of our Union. 

The common sufferings and common glories of the past, the pros- 
perity of the present, and the brilliant hopes of the future, must im- 
press every patriotic heart with deep love and devotion for the 
Union. Who that is now a citizen of this vast Republic, extending 
from the St. Lawrence to the Rio Grande, and from the Atlantic to 



the Pacific, does not shudder at the idea of being transformed into a 
citizen of one of its broken, jealous, and hostile fragments? What 
patriot would not rather shed the last drop of his blood than see the 
thirty-one brilliant stars which now float proudly upon our country's 
flag, amid the battle and the breeze, rudely torn from- the national 
banner, and scattered in confusion over the face of the earth ? 

Rest assured that all the patriotic emotions of every true-hearted 
Pennsylvanian, in favor of the Union and the Constitution, are shared 
by the Southern people. What battle-field has not been illustrated 
by their gallant deeds ; and when, in our history, have they ever 
shrunk from sacrifices and sufferings in the cause of their country? 
What, then, means the muttering thunder which we hear from the 
South ? The signs of the times are truly portentous. Whilst many 
in the South openly advocate the cause of secession and union, a 
large majority, as I firmly believe, still fondly cling to the Union, 
awaiting with deep anxiety the action of the North on the compro- 
mise lately effected in Congress. Should this be disregarded and 
nullified by the citizens of the North, the Southern people may become 
united, and then farewell, a long farewell to our blessed Union. I 
am no alarmist; but a brave and wise man looks danger steadily in 
the face. This is the best means of avoiding it. I am deeply im- 
pressed with the conviction that the North neither sufficiently under- 
stands nor appreciates the danger. For my own part, I have been 
steadily watching its approach for the last fifteen years, i During that 
period I have often sounded the alarm ; but my feeble warnings have 
been disregarded. I now solemnly declare, as the deliberate con- 
viction of my judgment, that two things are necessary to preserve 
this Union from the most imminent danger: 

1. Agitation in the North on the subject of Southern slavery must 
be rebuked and put down by a strong, energetic, and enlightened 
public opinion. 

2. The fugitive slave law must be executed in its letter and in its 
spirit. 

On each of these points I shall offer a few observations. 

Those are greatly mistaken who suppose that the tempest which 
is now raging in the South has been raised solely by the acts or 
omissions of the present Congress. The minds of the Southern 
people have been gradually prepared for this explosion by the events 
of the last fifteen years. Much and devotedly as they love the 
Union, many of them are now taught to believer thai the peace of 
their own firesides, and the security of their families, cannot be pre- 
served without separation from us. The crusade of the abolitionists 
against their domestic peace and security commenced in 1835. 
General Jackson, in his annual message to Congress, in December 
of that year, speaks of it in the following emphatic language : " I must, 
also, invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the 
South by attempts to circulate through the mails inflammatory appeals, 
addressed to the passions of the slaves, in prints and various sorts of 
publications, calculated to stimulate them to insurrection, and pro- 
duce all the horrors of a servile war." 



43 

From that period the agitation in the North against Soulhern 
slavery has been incessant, by means of the press, of State Legisla- 
tures, of State and County Conventions, Abolition Lectures, and 
every other method which fanatics and demagogues could devise. 
The time of Congress has been wasted in violent harangues on the 
subject of slavery. Inflammatory appeals have been sent forth from 
this central point throughout the country, the inevitable effect of 
which has been to create geographical parties, so much dreaded by 
the Father of his Country, and to estrange the Northern and 
Southern divisions of the Union from each other. 

Before the Wilmot Proviso was interposed, the abolition of sla- 
very in the District of Columbia had been the chief theme of agita- 
tion. Petitions for this purpose, by thousands, from men, women, 
and children, poured into Congress, session after session. The 
rights and the wishes of the owners of slaves within the District, 
were boldly disregarded. Slavery was denounced as a national sin 
and a national disgrace, which the laws of God and the laws of men 
ought to abolish, cost what it might. It mattered not to the fanatics 
that the abolition of slavery in the District would convert it into a 
citadel, in the midst of two slaveholding States, from which the 
abolitionists could securely scatter arrows, firebrands and death, all 
around. It mattered not to them that the abolition of slavery in the 
District would be a violation of the spirit of the Constitution and of 
the implied faith pledged to Maryland and Virginia ; because the 
whole world knows that those Slates would never have ceded it to 
the Union, had they imagined it could ever be converted by Con- 
gress into a place from which their domestic peace and security 
might be assailed by fanatics and abolitionists. Nay, the abolition- 
ists went even still further. They agitated for the purpose of abol- 
ishing slavery in the forts, arsenals and navy yards which the 
Southern States had ceded to the Union, under the Constitution, for 
the protection and defence of the country. 

Thus stood the question when the Wilmot proviso was interposed, 
to add fuel to the flame, and to excite the Southern people to 
madness. 

President Polk was anxious to bring the war with Mexico to an 
honorable conclusion with the least possible delay. He deemed it 
highly probable that an appropriation by Congress of $2,000,000, 
to be paid to the Mexican Government immediately after the conclu- 
sion of peace, might essentially aid him in accomplishing this de- 
sirable object. He sent a message to this effect to Congress in 
August, 1846; and whilst the bill granting the appropriation was 
pending before the House, Mr. Wilmot offered his famous proviso 
as an amendment, which was carried by a majority of nineteen 
votes. This amendment, had it even been proper in itself, was out 
of time and out of place ; because ii had not then been ascertained 
whether we should acquire any territory from Mexico : and in point 
of fact, the Treaty of Peace was not concluded until eighteen months 
thereafter. Besides, this Proviso, by defeating the appropriation, 



44 

was calculated, though I cannot believe it was intended, to prolong 
the war. 

The Wilmot Proviso, until near the termination of the last ses- 
sion of Congress, defeated every attempt to form territorial govern- 
ments for our Mexican acquisitions. Had such governments been 
established at the proper time, California would have changed her 
Territorial into a State government, and would have come into the 
Union as naturally as a young man enters upon his civil rights at 
the age of twenty-one, producing scarcely a ripple upon the surface 
of public opinion. 

What consequences have resulted from the Proviso ? It placed 
the two divisions of the Union in hostile array. The people of 
each, instead of considering the people of the other as brethren, 
began to view each other as deadly enemies. Whilst Northern 
Legislatures were passing resolutions instructing their Senators and 
requesting their Representatives to vote for the Wilmot Proviso, and 
for laws to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; Southern 
Legislatures and Conventions, prompted and sustained by the indig- 
nant and united voice of the Southern people, were passing resolu- 
tions pledging themselves to measures of resistance. The spirit of 
fanaticism was in the ascendant. To such a height had it mounted, 
that a bill introduced into the House of Representatives, by Mr. 
Giddings, during the last session of the last Congress, authorizing 
the slaves in the District of Columbia to vote, on the question 
whether they themselves should be freemen, was defeated on the 
motion of my friend, Mr. Brodhead, of this State, by the slender 
majority of only twenty-six votes. 

Thus stood the question when the present Congress assembled. 
This body at first presented the appearance of a Polish diet, divided 
into hostile parties, rather than that of the representatives of a great 
and united people, assembled in the land of Washington, Jefferson 
and Jackson, to consult and act together as brethren in promoting 
the common good of the whole Republic. 

It would be the extreme of dangerous infatuation to suppose that 
the Union was not then in serious danger. Had the Wilmot Proviso 
become a law, or had slavery been abolished in the District of 
Columbia, nothing short of a special interposition of Divine Provi- 
dence could have prevented the secession of most, if not all of the 
slaveholding states. 

It was from this great and glorious old Commonwealth, rightly 
denominated the "Keystone of the Arch," that the first ray of light 
emanated to dispel the gloom. She is not conscious of her own 
power. She stands as the days man, between the North and the 
South, and can lay her hand on either party, and say, thus far shalt 
thou go, and no farther. The wisdom, moderation and firmness of 
her people, calculate her eminently to act as the just and equitable 
umpire between the extremes. 

I It was the vote in our State House of Representatives, refusing to 
consider the instructing resolutions in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, 
which first cheered the heart of every patriot in the land. This 



45 

was speedily followed by a vote of the House of Representatives at 
Washington, nailing the Wilmot Proviso itself to the table. And 
here I ought not to forget the great meeting held in Philadelphia on 
the birthday of the Father of his Country, in favor of the Union, 
which gave a happy and irresistible impulse to public opinion 
throughout the State, and I may add throughout the Union. 

The honor of the South has been saved by the Compromise. 
The Wilmot Proviso is forever dead, and slavery will never be 
abolished in the District of Columbia whilst it continues to exist 
in Maryland. The receding storm in the South still continues to 
dash with violence, but it will gradually subside, should agitation 
cease in the North. All that is necessary for us to do is to execute 
the Fugitive Slave Law, and to let the Southern people alone, suffer- 
ing them to manage their own domestic concerns in their own way. 
A Virginia farmer once asked me if there were two neighbors living 
together, what I would think if one of them should be eternally in- 
terfering in the domestic concerns of the other ! Could they possibly 
live together in peace? 

Without reference to the harmony and safety of the Union, what 
a blessing would this policy of non-interference be, not only to the 
slaves and free negroes, but even to the cause of constitutional eman- 
cipation itself ! 

Since the agitation commenced, the slave has been deprived of 
many privileges which he formerly enjoyed, because of the stern 
necessity thus imposed upon the master to provide for his personal 
safety and that of his family. 

The free negro, for the same over-ruling reason, is threatened with 
expulsion from the land of his nativity in the South ; and there are 
strong indications in several of the Northern States that they will 
refuse to afford him an asylum. 

The cause of emancipation itself has greatly suffered by the agi- 
tation. If left to its constitutional and natural course, laws ere this 
would most probably have existed for the gradual abolition of slavery 
in the States of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri. The 
current of public opinion was running strongly in that direction 
before the abolition excitement commenced, especially in Virginia. 
There a measure having directly in view the gradual abolition of 
slavery, offered too by the grandson of Thomas Jefferson, came 
within one vote, if my memory serves me, of passing the House of 
Delegates. Throughout Virginia, as well as in the other three States 
which I have mentioned, there was then a powerful, influential, and 
growing party in favor of gradual emancipation, cheered on to exer- 
tion by the brightest hopes of success. What has now become of 
this party ? It is gone. It is numbered with the things that have 
been. The interference of Northern fanatics with the institution of 
slavery in the South has so excited and exasperated the people, that 
there is no man in that region now bold enough to utter a sentiment 
in favor of gradual emancipation. The efforts of the abolitionists 
have long, very long postponed the day of emancipation in these 
States. Throughout the grain growing slave States, powerful causes 



46 

were in operation, which must, before msny years, have produced 
gradual emancipation. These have been counteracted by the vio- 
lence and folly of the abolitionists. They have done infinite mis- 
chief. They have not only brought the Union into imminent peril, 
but they have inflicted the greatest evils both on the slave and on the 
free negro, the avowed objects of their regard. 

Let me then call upon your powerful and influential meeting, as 
they value the union of these States, the greatest political blessing 
ever conferred by a bountiful Providence upon man; as they value 
the well-being of the slave and free negro ; as they value even the 
cause of regular and constitutional emancipation, to exert all their 
energies to put down the long continued agitation in the North against 
slavery in the South. Is it unreasonable that the South should make 
this demand? The 'agitation has reached such a height that the 
Southern people feel their personal security to be involved. It has 
filled the minds of the slaves with vague notions of emancipation, 
and, in the language of General Jackson, threatens " to stimulate 
them to insurrection and produce all the horrors of a servile war." 
Although any such attempt on their part would be easily and speedily 
suppressed, yet what horrors might not in the mean time be perpe- 
trated ! Many a mother now retires to rest at night under dreadful 
apprehensions of what may befal herself and her family before the 
morning. Self-preservation is the first instinct of nature; and, there- 
fore, any state of society, in which the sword of Damocles is all the 
time suspended over the heads of the people, must, at last, become 
intolerable. To judge correctly of our relative duties towards the 
people of the South, we ought to place ourselves in their position, 
and do unto them as we would they should do unto us under similar 
circumstances. This is the golden rule. It was under its benign 
influence that our Constitution of mutual compromise and concession 
was framed, and by the same spirit alone can it be maintained. Do 
the people of the North act in thisChristian spirit, whilst stigmatizing 
their brethren of the South with the harshest epithets, and imputing 
to them a high degree of moral guilt, because slavery has been en- 
tailed upon them by their forefathers ; and this, too, with a knowledge 
that the consequences of these assaults must be to place in peril their 
personal safety, and that of all they hold most dear on earth. I 
repeat that this constant agitation must be arrested by the firm deter- 
mination and resolute action of the vast majority of the people of the 
North, who are known to disapprove it, or the sacrifice of our glo- 
rious Union may and probably will be at last the consequence. 

2. I shall proceed to present to you some views upon the subject 
of the much misrepresented fugitive slave law. It is now evident, 
from all the signs of the times, that this is destined to become the 
principal subject of agitation at the next session of Congress, and to 
take the place of the Wilmot Proviso. Its total repeal or its material 
modification will henceforward be the battle cry of the agitators of 
the North. 

And what is the character of this law ? It was passed to carry into 
execution a plain, clear, and mandatory provision of the Constitution, 



47 

requiring that fugitive slaves, who fly from service in one State to 
another, shall be delivered up to their masters. This provision is so 
explicit that he who runs may read. No commentary can present it 
in a stronger light than the plain words of the Constitution. It is a 
well known historical fact, that without this provision, the Constitu- 
tion itself could never have existed. How could this have been other- 
wise? Is it possible for a moment to believe that the slave States 
would have formed a union with the free States, if under it, their 
slaves by simply escaping across the boundary which separates them 
would acquire all the rights of freemen ? This would have been to 
offer an irresistible temptation to all the slaves of the South to pre- 
cipitate themselves upon the North. The Federal Constitution, there- 
fore, recognises in the clearest and most emphatic terms, the property 
in slaves and protects this property by prohibiting any State, into 
which a slave might escape, from discharging him from slavery, and 
by requiring that he shall be delivered up to his master. 

But, say the agitators, the fugitive slave law, framed for the very 
purpose of carrying into effect an express provision of the Consti- 
tution, is itself unconstitutional. I shall not stop to argue such a 
point at length, deeming this to be wholly unnecessary. The law, 
in every one of its essential provisions, is the very same law which 
was passed in February, 1793, by a Congress, many of whose mem- 
bers had come fresh from the convention which framed the Federal 
Constitution, and was approved by the Father of his Country. If 
this be so, it may be asked whence the necessity of passing the present 
law ? Why not rest upon the Act of 1793 ? This question is easily 
answered. The Act of 1793 had entrusted its own execution not 
only to the Judges of the Circuit and District Courts of the United 
States, but to all State magistrates of any county, city, or town cor- 
porate. The decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in 
the case of Prigg v. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, deprived 
these State magistrates of the power of acting under the law. What 
was the consequence ? Let us take the State of Pennsylvania for an 
example. There were but three individuals left in the whole State 
who could judicially execute the provisions of the Act of 1793 — the 
Circuit Judge and the two District Judges. Two of these Judges 
reside in Philadelphia, and one of them at Pittsburg, a distance of 
more than three hundred miles apart. It is manifest, therefore, that 
the law in many, indeed in most cases, could not have been executed 
for want of officers near at hand. It thus became absolutely neces- 
sary for Congress to provide United States officers to take the place 
of the State magistrates who had been superseded. Without this, a 
constitutional right could have existed with no adequate means of 
enforcing it. The fugitive slave bill was passed chiefly to remedy 
this defect, and to substitute such officers instead of the State magis- 
trates, whose powers had been nullified under the decision of the 
Supreme Court. 

It is worthy of remark, that several of our Northern Legislatures, 
availing themselves of the decision of the Supreme Court, and under 
the deep excitement produced by the agitation of the Wilmot Pro- 



48 

viso, passed laws imposing obstacles to the execution of the pro- 
visions of the Constitution for the restoration of fugitive slaves. I 
am sorry, very sorry, to state that Pennsylvania is among this num- 
ber. By our act of 3d March, 1847, even the use of our public jails 
is denied for the safe custody of the fugitive ; and the jailer who shall 
offend against this provision is deprived of his office, and is punish- 
able with a heavy fine and a disqualification ever again to hold a 
similar office ! 

The two principal objections urged against the fugitive slave law 
are, that it will promote kidnapping ; and that it does not provide a 
trial by jury for the fugitive in the State to which he has escaped. 

The very same reasons may be urged, with equal force, against 
the Act of 1793; and yet it existed for more than half a century 
without encountering any such objections. 

In regard to kidnapping; — the fears of the agitators are altogether 
groundless. The lavv requires that the fugitive shall be taken before 
the judge or commissioner. The master must there prove, to the 
satisfaction of the magistrate the identity of the fugitive, that he is 
the master's property, and has escaped from his service. Now, I 
ask, would a kidnapper ever undertake such a task ? Would he 
suborn witnesses to commit perjury and expose himself to detection 
before the judge or commissioner, and in presence of the argus eyes 
of a non-slave holding community, whose feelings will always be in 
favor of the slave? No, never. The kidnapper seizes his victim in 
the silence of the night, or in a remote and obscure place, and hurries 
him away. He does not expose himself to the public gaze. He 
will never bring the unfortunate object of his rapacity before a com- 
missioner or a judge. Indeed, I have no recollection of having heard 
or read of a case, in which a free man was kidnapped under the 
forms of law, during the whole period of more than half a century, 
since the act of 1793 was passed. 

But it is objected to the law that the fugitive is not allowed a trial 
by jury in the State to which he has escaped. So it has always 
been under the act of 1793, and so it is under the present law. A 
fugitive from labor is placed upon the very same footing, under the 
Constitution, with a fugitive from justice. Does a man charged with 
the commission of a crime in Maryland fly into Pennsylvania, he is 
delivered up, upon proper evidence, to the authorities of the State 
from which he fled, there to stand his trial. He has no right to de- 
mand a trial by jury in Pennsylvania. Nay more ; under our extra- 
dition treaties with foreign powers, does a man charged with a crime 
committed in England or France fly to the United States, he is deli- 
vered up to the authorities of the country from which he fled, without 
a trial by jury in this country. Precisely the same is the case in 
regard to a fugitive from labor. Upon satisfactory proof, he is 
delivered up without a trial by jury. In the Constitution he is placed 
upon the very same footing with fugitives from justice from other 
States ; and by treaty, he is placed upon the very same footing with 
fugitives from justice from foreign countries. Surely the fugitive 
slave is not entitled to superior privileges over the free white man. 



49 

When he returns to the State from which he has escaped, he is there 
entitled to a trial by jury, for the purpose of deciding whether he is 
a freeman. I believe every slave State has made provision by law 
for such a trial without expense, upon the petition of the slave ; and 
we have heard it announced from the highest authority in the Senate 
of the United States, that such trials are always conducted in mercy, 
and with a rigid regard to the rights of the slave. 

Why should an Act of Congress cast such a reflection upon the 
judicial tribunals of a sister State as to say they shall not be trusted 
with the trial of the question whether an individual is entitled to his 
freedom under the laws of the State from which he has fled ? 

But to allow the fugitive slave a trial by jury in the State where 
• he is found, would, in many instances, completely nullify the pro- 
visions of the Constitution. There are many, I fear very many, in 
the Northern States who place their conscience above the Consti- 
tution of their country, and who would, as jurors, rescue a fugitive 
slave from servitude against the clearest testimony, thinking at the 
same time, they were doing God's service. The excited condition 
of public feeling in many portions of the North, would disqualify 
honest and respectable men from acting as impartial jurors on such 
a question. Besides, the delay, the trouble, and the expense of a 
jury trial at such a distance from home, would, in most cases, pre- 
vent the master from pursuing his fugitive slave. He would know 
that should he fail to obtain a verdict, this would be his ruin. He 
would then be persecuted with actions of slander, of false im- 
prisonment, and every kind of prosecution which ingenuity could 
devise. 

The defeat of the Wilmot Proviso, and the passage of the Fugi- 
tive Slave Law, are all that the South have obtained by the Com- 
promise. They asked for the Missouri Compromise, which it is 
known that for one I was always willing to concede, believing this 
would be the most just, equitable, and satisfactory arrangement of 
the Territorial question between the North and the South. But 
that has passed away. California has been admitted as a State into 
the Union, with a positive prohibition of Slavery in her Constitution ; 
and whether the Mexican law abolishing Slavery be in force or not, 
in the remainder of our Territorial acquisitions, does any man be- 
lieve that Slavery will ever prevail among the Mormons in Utah, or 
among the inhabitants of the snow-clad hills and mountain valleys 
of New Mexico ? Besides, the Slave trade has been abolished in 
the District of Columbia. What then of the Compromise practically 
remains for the South but this Fugitive Slave Law, passed to carry 
out a clear constitutional provision ! It is the only compensation 
which they have received for what they believe to be the great inju- 
ries they have sustained. Will they then patiently submit to have 
this law repealed, essentially modified, or nullified ? Before its pas- 
sage, the Constitution had become, in regard to fugitive slaves, almost 
a dead letter. It is a notorious fact, that all along the border which 
separates the free from the slave States, every facility was afforded for 

4 



50 

the escape of slaves from their masters. If they could pass the line, 
their safety was almost certain. They were scarcely ever, in the 
language of the Constitution, "delivered up on the claim of the 
party to which such service or labor may be due." In many in- 
stances, the master or his agent who pursued them was insulted, as- 
saulted, beaten, and imprisoned ; and few men could be found bold 
enough to incur the hazard of such a dangerous undertaking. In 
this manner the southern people were annually deprived of their 
property, guaranteed to them by the Constitution, to the amount of 
hundreds of thousands of dollars. The Constitution was nullified, 
and this law was passed for the protection of their constitutional 
rights! "Will they tamely surrender it? Let the voice which 
speaks in tones of thunder from the United South answer this ques- 
tion. They will at last, I trust and believe, submit to all the provi- 
sions of the Compromise, provided the fugitive slave law be faithfully 
executed in the North ; but they will go no further. All the resolu- 
tions even of the Union meetings in the South speak this language. 
Future aggressions must cease or the Union will be in imminent 
danger. 

Let us then resolve to put down agitation at the North on the 
slave question, by the force of enlightened public opinion, and faith- 
fully execute the provisions of the fugitive slave law. Should this 
be done, it will eventually extinguish those geographical parties — so 
dangerous to the Union, and so much dreaded by the Father of his 
Country — which have sprung into existence ; it will ameliorate the 
condition of the slaves, by enabling their masters to remove the 
restrictions imposed upon them in self defence, since the commence- 
ment of the present troubles, and will restore the natural and consti- 
tutional progress of emancipation which has, in several States, been 
arrested by the violence of the abolitionists. 

The Union cannot long endure, if it be bound together only by 
paper bonds. It can be firmly cemented alone, by the affections of 
the people of the different States for each other. Would to Heaven 
that the spirit of mutual forbearance and brotherly love which pre- 
sided at its birth, could once more be restored to bless the land ! 
Upon opening a volume, a few days since, my eyes caught a Reso- 
lution of a Convention of the Counties of Maryland, assembled at 
Annapolis, in June, 1774, in consequence of the passage, by the 
British Parliament, of the Boston Port Bill, which provided for 
opening a subscription "In the several Counties of the Province, for 
an immediate collection for the relief of the distressed inhabitants of 
Boston, now cruelly deprived of the means of procuring subsistence 
for themselves and families by the operation of the said act for 
blocking up their harbor." Would that the spirit of fraternal 
affection which dictated this noble resolution, and which actuated 
all the conduct of our revolutionary fathers, might return to bless 
and to re-animate the bosoms of their descendants ! This would 
render our Union indissoluble. It would be the living soul in- 
fusing itself into the Constitution and2inspiring it with irresistable 
energy. 



51 

I am not one of those who can ever consent to calculate the value 
of the Union. Its benefits and its blessings are inestimable. God 
forbid ! that fanaticism should ever apply a torch to this, the grand- 
est and most glorious temple which has ever been erected to political 
freedom on the face of the earth ! Whilst the friends of human 
liberty throughout the world would forever deplore the irreparable 
loss of our example to the nations, this catastrophe would be the 
prolific source of evils to all the States — North, South, East and 
West — from the enumeration of which my mind recoils with 
horror. 

Would any or all of the injuries which the South have suffered, 
or which they suppose they have suffered, from the agitation at the 
North, and from the Compromise, justify a resort to the last dread 
extremity of dissolving the Union ? I believe not ; and after the 
sober second thought, the patriotic people of the South will, I have 
no doubt, by a large majority, arrive at the same conclusion. For 
such causes, they "will never forfeit all the innumerable blessings of 
the Union, and subject the country and the lovers of rational freedom 
throughout the world to the most astounding political calamity which 
has ever befallen the human race. 

It is not every wrong — nay, it is not every grievous wrong — which 
can justify, or even palliate, such a fearful alternative. In this age, 
and in this country, there is an incessant flux and reflux of public 
opinion. Subjects which but a few years ago excited the public 
mind to madness, have passed away and are almost forgotten. To 
employ the eloquent language of Mr. Burke, they are " Volcanoes 
burnt out — and on the lava and ashes and squalid scoriae of old 
eruptions, grow the peaceful olive, the cheering vine, and the sus- 
taining corn." 

The agitation at the North on the subject of domestic slavery in 
the South, like every thing human, will have its day. We have 
already reached, and, I trust, passed the dangerous crisis. Should 
this prove to be the case, the tempest which has been raging will 
purify the political atmosphere, and impart new and healthful life and 
vigor to the body politic. 

But, if, in the midst of such a temporary excitement, the Union 
should be dissolved, the mischief will then be irreparable. "Nations 
unborn, and ages yet behind," will curse the rashness of the deed. 
Should " the silver cord be loosed, and the golden bowl be broken at 
the fountain," human power will never be able to re-unite the scat- 
tered fragments. If the Almighty Ruler of the Universe has, in his 
Providence, destined the dissolution of the Union, as a punishment 
for the sins of the Nation, I hope, before that day, I may be gathered 
to my fathers, and never witness the sad catastrophe. 
Yours, very respectfully, 

JAMES BUCHANAN. 
To Messrs. Josiah Randall, Isaac Hazlehurst, John S. Riddle, John 
W. Forney, C. Ingersoll, and Robert M. Lee. 



52 

LETTER FROM HON. JAMES COOPER. 

Pottsville, Nov. 16, 1S50. 

Gentlemen : — The invitation with which you honored me to attend 
a meeting of " the friends of the Constitution and Union," lo be held 
at the Chinese Museum in the city of Philadelphia, on the evening of 
Thursday, the 21st instant, was duly received. Approving most cor- 
dially of the objects of the meeting, it will afford me great pleasure to 
unile in any effort to promote them. Engagements, however, of a 
professional character, which have been already more than once de- 
ferred for my accommodation, require my presence next week (the 
week of the meeting) in a distant part of the State. It is probable, 
nevertheless, that I may make such a disposition of the business in 
which I am engaged as will enable me to attend. If so, I shall be 
with you. If not, be assured of my hearty co-operation in every 
thing necessary to be done to maintain the supremacy of the laws 
and to restore and preserve harmony between the different sections of 
the Union. And permit me, gentlemen, to avail myself of this oppor- 
tunity to say, in terms which I employed on another occasion, that the 
time has come when sectional animosities will endure no farther ag- 
gravation, if North and South are to continue to live together in the 
bonds of political fellowship. The Union is strong it is true ; but it 
is no particular form of words, no cunning device of language in the 
Constitution which binds it together and gives it strength. It is the 
affection which the people bear it as the legacy of their fathers, and 
as one of the fruits of the revolution which makes it strong, and which 
continuing, will make it permanent. But let that affection be with- 
drawn from it, and it will be strong no longer. From that moment 
decay will be written upon it in characters which every observer may 
read. It is therefore the duty of every patriot to cultivate attachment 
to it, with as much perseverance as sectional demagogues use to sow 
distrust and disorder. By so doing its priceless blessings may be 
preserved. 

But while the two great parties of the country continue to act 
together in a spirit of patriotic devotion, cherishing attachment to the 
Union in the hearts of the people, and vieingwilh each other in pur- 
suing a course of policy really national, there is no danger to be ap- 
prehended — the Union i^ safe. Let either of them, however, adopt a 
mere sectional creed, prescribing a course of political action, repug- 
nant to any of the obligations imposed on the citizen by the Constitu- 
tion, and such parly must either sink into an impotent and contemptible 
minority, or the Union be dissolved. The Constitution will cease to 
be a bond of union from the moment its violation becomes habitual, 
in pursuance of any organization, embracing anything like a moiety 
of the people, no matter upon what. pretence of obedience to a higher 
law such organization may be founded. The citizen's highest law is 
the Constitution ; and if his conscience will not permit him to obey it, 
let him go hence, from under what to him is afflicting and tyrannical 
requirements, and seek elsewhere, laws which will be more tender of 
his scruples — if on the face of the earth, laws more tender of men's 



53 

consciences are employed in their government. Be obedient to your 
rulers, is a precept of the divine law, and embraces obedience to 
laws, as well as to those who execute them. Let not therefore, the 
people be misled by demagogues preaching to them obedience to a 
law higher than the Constitution of their country. The doctrine of a 
higher law, which men may obey in preference to the Constitution, 
cannot be tolerated. Such a doctrine would strike at the foundation 
of society, be destructive of law, order and security, and lead inevita- 
bly to anarchy. This higher law would be appealed to not only as 
an excuse for the non-performance of duties enjoined by law, but also 
to justify the violations of law. In short, the adoption of the higher 
law doctrine would be a virtual repudiation of the obligations of all 
laws, authorizing men to obey or violate them, whenever in their 
judgment the higher law is in conflict with them. 

But, gentlemen, my object in addressing you, was to thank you for 
the obli<*incr terms in which your information was communicated to 
me, and°to say, that I will accept it if I can ; but, that, whether I shall 
be able to so or not, I shall always regard the friends of the Constitu- 
tion as the truest friends of liberty. 

With sincere regard, I am 

Your friend and fellow citizen, 

JAMES COOPER. 

To Josiah Randall, Isaac Hazlehurst, John S. Riddle, John W. 
Forney, C. Ingersoll, Esqrs., Committee. 

LETTER FROM HON. R. J. WALKER. 

New Yoek, Nov. 21, 1850. 
Gentlemen: — Your letter, of the 11th inst., has been received, 
requesting me, in behalf of the " friends of the Constitution and the 
Union, without distinction of party, of the city and county of Philadel- 
phia," to attend a public meeting to be held by them this evening, in 
your city. Concurring with you most fully in the noble purpose ot 
this meeting, I deeply regret that -it is not in my power to attend. I 
thank you, gentlemen, for the kind and favorable manner in which 
vou have been pleased to speak of my humble efforts to uphold the 
Constitution and perpetuate the Union. The Constitution is the only 
basis upon which the Union can be maintained. It is the Constitution 
that makes the. Union ; and to overthrow the one, is to destroy the 
other. If there are any who believe that the Union can be maintained 
when the fundamental principles and sacred guaranties of the Consti- 
tution are overthrown, it is a dangerous and fatal error. Among the 
guaranties contained in that instrument, and without which, it is well 
known that it never could have been framed, is that clause requiring 
the surrender of fugitives from service. The fulfilment of this clause, 
in letter and in spirit, is demanded by every principle of honor and 
good faith ; and all who would seek to violate, evade, or disregard its 
provisions, are enemies of the Constitution and the Union. The pur- 
pose for which your meeting is convened, is the most grave and mo- 
mentous ever submitted for the consideration of the American people. 



54 

It is, in effect, a question whether we shall continue to have a Consti- 
tution, a Country, and a Union, or whether all shall be overthrown. 
I deeply regret to say that all are in imminent peril; that we are, in 
fact, hurrying on to the brink of a precipice, and that unless the 
friends of the Constitution and of the Union shall take prompt and 
effective measures, the fatal words may soon reach us — it is too 
late ! ! Who is prepared to say that a week, or a month, or a year, 
may not witness some one of the States, by a popular movement, 
nearly unanimous, withdrawing, or at least attempting to withdraw, 
from the Union. And what will be the remedy? Will civil war 
preserve or restore the Union? Will that war be confined to a 
single State? Can a vanquished State, even if she can be vanquished, 
ever again become a member of the Federal Union ? No, my 
countrymen; let us learn, ere it be too late, that this never can be a 
Union of victor and of vanquished, of sovereign and of subject States : 
but that it must be a Union of equals, which is the Union of the Con- 
stitution. It must be a cordial and fraternal Union, founded on in- 
terest, and cemented by affection. This was the Union founded by 
Washington and Franklin, and the patriots and statesmen of the 
revolution, and that is the only Union that can be preserved and per- 
petuated. You might, perhaps, by superior force, drench in blood, 
the fields of a sister State. You might, perhaps, wrap her villages 
in flames ; but you could never afterwards restore such a State to the 
Union, established by the Constitution. No, fellow-citizens ; when 
the star of a State is extinguished in blood, it can never beam again 
in the banner of the Union, for it will no longer be an equal, a sove- 
reign or a sister State. Let it not be supposed, that in making these 
suggestions, I advocate the doctrines of nullification or secession. 
No, I have ever opposed these doctrines, believing them to be revolu- 
tionary in their character, and leading to the overthrow of the Con- 
stitution and of the Union. But we should remember, that it is revo- 
lution that has changed or destroyed nearly every government upon 
earth; and if a single State, by the nearly unanimous voice of her 
people, even if unaided by other States, should withdraw from the 
Union, although the measure would be revolutionary, it would be 
none the less destructive of the government and of the country. If 
we would desire to preserve the government against revolution, we 
must remove the causes which tend to produce such a catastrophe. 
To accomplish this, nothing is required but fidelity to the Constitution, 
and the exercise of a just and fraternal spirit towards every State and 
every section of the Union. 

Your meeting may be attended with the most beneficial results. It 
is assembled at the city where the Declaration of American Inde- 
pendence was subscribed, and where the Constitution was framed and 
promulgated. It was through years of toil and suffering, and amid 
sacrifices, the most profuse, of blood and treasure, that this Union was 
maintained by our forefathers; and we are unworthy to be called 
their sons, if we will make no efforts, and submit to no sacrifices to 
preserve the priceless heritage. The eyes of the American people 
are upon you. The friends of the Union look to you for succour and 



55 

encouragement. They look to Philadelphia now, as did those who 
have gone before us, when the patriots and sages of the revolution 
were assembled in your city in 1776 and 1787. Great was the work 
which then was accomplished, and the American people look now for 
a re-signing and re-sealing of the Constitution in your city. Proclaim 
it now, in tones which shall reach every State, every city and every 
county, that the Constitution and the Union can and shall be pre- 
served. Tell your brethren of the South, that Pennsylvania will 
stand firm as her everlasling hills in maintaining all their rights 
under the Constitution. Say to the countrymen of Washington and 
Jefferson, of Madison and Monroe, of Henry and of Mason, of Marion 
and Sumpter, that your hearts are linked to theirs by every tie of 
interest and affection, and that Pennsylvania will roll back the tide of 
fanaticism which threatens to deluge in blood our common country. 

Fellow-citizens, I venture thus to address you as one of your coun- 
trymen, invited to participate in your meeting. I speak to you as a 
native of Pennsylvania, whose soil was defended by a departed sire 
in the war of the Revolution. If I speak to you in words of solemn 
import, it is because I know that the danger is great and pressing. 
The eyes not only of our countrymen, but of the world are upon you. 
Despots, and the satellites and mercenary emissaries of despots, are 
looking on, in the vain hope, that the Union and the Constitution will 
be permitted to perish in the very city where both were first promul- 
gated. There are others, also, who will ponder upon your proceed- 
ings. It is the friends of free government throughout the world; it is 
the oppressed children of Ireland, and Hungary, of Germany and 
Poland, and of every spot of earth where freedom has found a friend, 
that look to this Union as the last hope and asylum of freedom. Let 
them learn that this Union is overthrown, and you will do more to 
sustain their cruel oppressors than if you had sent an army to join the 
forces of the Russian Czar or Austrian despot. Perhaps, this very 
day, you hold in your hands, not only the fate of your own country, 
but the cause of free government throughout the globe. Mere paper 
resolutions, however just or patriotic, will avail but little now to save 
the country, unless followed by acts, by which those resolutions will 
be carried promptly into full and complete operation. When our 
forefathers established the Union, they were not satisfied with paper 
declarations, but proceeded, amid every sacrifice of blood and trea- 
sure, by acts, prompt and energetic, to carry those resolutions into 
effect. And will no sacrifice be made by their descendants to main- 
tain and perpetuate that glorious Union ? Let that question be an- 
swered by this meeting, and by acts corresponding with its just and 
patriotic resolutions, and I believe that Pennsylvania can still preserve 
the Union. Let her take her stand upon the Constitution, and resolve 
that all its provisions and all its guaranties shall be carried into full 
and perfect' operation ; that justice shall be done to every State and 
every section; that they regard the people of the South as their coun- 
trymen ; that they know no difference, either in interest or affection, 
and will permit none to be made between the North, the South, the 
East, or the West ; that all are equal, and that the rights and feelings 



56 

and interests of all shall be respected ; that their fanatical enemies 
shall be rebuked ; that no resolution shall be gotten up against the 
South ; and least of all an African resolution ; and faithful history- 
will record, among all your other great and glorious achievements, 
that Pennsylvania has saved the Union ! 

Very truly your friend and fellow-citizen, 

R. J. WALKER. 
To Messrs. Josiah Randall, Isaac Hazlehurst, John S. Riddle, 
John W. Forney, C. Ingersoll and Robert M. Lee. 



LETTER FROM THE HON. LEWIS CASS. 

Washington, Dec. 4th, 1850. 

Dear Ste : — I thank you for the kind feeling which has induced 
vou to write me, for the purpose of giving me an opportunity to 
answer the invitation of the Committee to attend your great Union 
Meeting. 

Accident prevented me from receiving that invitation in time to 
tender my acknowledgments to the Committee, and while offering my 
excuse for necessary absence, to express my cordial concurrence in 
the objects. The occasion having passed away, and most happily 
too, it is hardly necessary for me to trouble you with my sentimeniu. 
I am rejoiced that you propose to print and distribute so large as 
edition of your proceedings. It is a measure that cannot but be pro- 
ductive of useful results. The speeches, letters and resolutions, were 
high-toned, patriotic, worthy of the good old city which saw the con- 
vocation of the first American Congress, and which desires that our 
Country should never see the last. I give my adhesion to the general 
views there presented, and am proud of the spirit and unanimity that 
marked the occasion. If these prevail, we have passed through our 
trial, and may look forward to a long and glorious career of freedom 
andprosperity. 

With great respect, 

I am, dear sir, truly yours, 

LEWIS CASS. 

Josiah Randall, Esq., Chairman Committee of Invitation. 



57 



"THE UNION MUST AND SHALL BE PRESERVED !" 

A GENERAL MEETING of the Citizens of the City and 
County of Philadelphia, was held at the CHINESE MUSEUM on 
THURSDAY, the 21st of November, at 7 o'clock P. M. for the 
purpose of affirming their allegiance to the 

CONSTITUTION and LAWS of OUR COUNTRY ! 

Piiiladelphians ! Respect for the rights of our sister States, and 
a fraternal regard for the general welfare of the American people, are 
sentiments which are dear to us, and which have always controlled 
our action as citizens ! 

We live on the spot where the nation was born, and with one 
accord and one heart, let us proclaim our unchanged devotion to 

OUR GLORIOUS UNION ! 

The Meeting was addressed by John Sergeant, George M. Dallas, 
Josiah Randal!, Richard Rush, Joseph R. Ingersoll, J. Hazlehurst, 
James Page, and Charles Gibbons. 



G M Dallas 

James Page 

Josiah Randall 

George F Lehman 

Benj H Brewster 

Lippincott, Grambo &. Co 

Edw D Ingraham 

C Macalester 

Stephen Baldwin & Co 

John Miller, N L 

Bevan & Humphreys 

William Deal 

Nalbro Frasier 

Scull & Thompson 

Alexander Cummings 

Henry M Phillips 

J Fisher Learning 

R C Grier 

J K Kane 

R Patterson 

John Cadwalader 

James Ross Snowden 

A V Parsons 

John T Smith 

James Campbell 

Robt Ewing 

J A Shouse 

Thomas Bradford 

F C Brightly 



John Oakford 
Richard S Smith 
Wm Bonsall 
Wm M Martin 
Charles J Peterson 
John M Hart 
J S Crawford 
Alexander Henry 
John B Chapron 
J F Smith 
C Jared Ingersoll 
Wm G Armstrong 
John Rush 
Samuel B Johnson 
James Peacock 
Thomas Fitzgerald 
H J Hart 
James S M'Calla 
Wm H Richardson 
Nathan M Grafton 
Bedlock & Pascha'l 
Charles O B Campbell 
Jeremiah McCredy 
Sylvester Pepper 
John Lewis 
Robert Crawford 
David Pesou 
Franklin Collins 
John S Lambert 



John R Eck 
A W Blackburn 
A D Lutz 
Henry M Innes 
Mahlon G Searle 
John Richards 
Augt A Thompson 
Levin H Smith 
Joseph P Hamelin 
Robert F Christy 
Robert Adams & Co 
James Glentworth 
Isaac Lloyd, jr 
Lewis Eldridge 
Peter Penn Gaskill 
Thomas Wickersham 
Jos M Thomas 
J M Crossman 
J Ford 

Samuel Carpenter 
Thos P Hoopes 
Nath Lewis Paleske 
Thos M Keever 
M Newkirk 
G J J Benners 
G N Diehl 
Thos Pratt 
William Craig 
G D Rosengarten 



58 



Benjamin Sterling 

John H Diehl 

George T Lewis 

Joseph Harrison 

Freeman &. Daugherty 

Saml A Lewis & Brother 

H M Crawford 

Jacob B Coates 

Philip Reilly 

Wm Wilson 

James Fassitt 

George Fales 

John C Montgomery 

George Riston 

Joseph B Lapsley 

Charles C Harrison, 

S Moses 

Saml H Crawford, jr 

Alfred Fitler 

James Weaver 

James Fred Bond 

Thos Allibone 

J no A Brown 

Jno F Carter 

Joseph J Keefe 

Joseph Perot 

Theo T Johnson 

Walter Patterson 

Henry Hays 

C M Allmond 

H Korn 

James B England 

Winthrop Sargent 

Charles Kuhn, jr 

Harrison Smith 

Thomas Biddle, jr 

Wilson Eyre 

Harris L Sproat 

John B Budd 

Wm S Smith 

W H Hart 

Wm S Martin 

Thomas Fisher 

Robt Donnell 

Saml W Abbott 

S G Fotterall 

H Catherwood & Son 

Henry Lazarus 

Saml W Lippincott 

Wm S Hansell 

Wm H Garrigues 

N B Thompson 

Edw H Rowley 

S Destouet 

R Kirkpatrick 

Thomas Mellon 

D Brainerd Williamson 

Geo 3IcHenry & Co 

Jno Andrade 

Geo W Ward 

Allen B Miller 

Jno S Keefe, jr 



Thos C Clark 

Daniel S Davis 

Edw Augs Parker 

Henry Lelar 

John Conlan 

Wm C Milligan 

W N Alexander 

P R Freas 

A B Dick 

Fredk Dick 

Jos S Paul 

N P Lyman 

John Hanse 

Thos H Jacobs 

Geo Hood 

Ewd Bushnell 

J D Browne 

C W Shortridge 

Wm Siddons 

L J Clark 

William S Allen 

James Hogan 

C T Hinckley 

Landreth Mitchell 
S Dillingham 
Chas J Savage 
John Sayen 
Jas C M'Adoo 
Wm Leach 
James Dyson 
Jos Puling 
W F Wood 
Jas F Thompson 
Robt A Miller 
J B Lawrie 
Philip Jones 
Frank Bottomiy 
Lewis Fitzpatrick 
Matthew Robinson 
Thomas Hibbcrt 
Jabez Stead 
J H Squibb 
H G Sickel 
B Fulmer 
Wm W Shaw 
Benjamin Riley 
Joseph Wilde 
John Scallon 
Henry Fern 
James Rawcliffe 
G E Barratt 
H C Myers 
William Kelly 
James Broadhead 
Isaac Traville 
James Cadrington 
G Jacob Notter 
Adam Maag 
John Apple 
Samuel Crasmen 
Wm Bright 
Jacob Stearly 



Anthony Ruthard 

Andrew Flick 

Wm Dingier 

Peter Notter 

Norman Ackley 

John D Carpenter 

Wm Green 

P F Simon 

B Mifflin, jr 

Horatio Gates Jones, jr 

Wm G Cochran 

Wm Levis 

S C Thompson 

John Sergeant 

J R Ingersoll 

Richard Rush 

Jno Griffg 

Hugh Elliot 

J A Phillips 

J B Trevor 

John Stewart 

William R White 

Samuel H Perkins 

William Harper 

J K Mitchell 

Arthur G Coffin 

T R Maris 

Eli K Price 

M Maris 

Vincent L Bradford 

Henry Farnum &, Co 

John W Forney 

Charles Gibbons 

William B Reed 

Gus Remak 

Chas Ingersoll 

Horn R Kneass 

John Thompson 

B Mifflin 

Wm Badger 

Geo W Biddle 

Isaac N Marselis 

Charles S Riche 

Jos Swift 

Thos Hale 

Edward King 

Gideon G Westcott 

Thomas B Florence 

John Stokes 

Oliver H Perry 

G Luckenbach 

Joseph Morgan 

Stephen N Winslow 

John Robinson 

Michael Peddrick 

Joseph Salisbury 

M H Dickinson 

Francis Register 

Edw Wright 

S Tobias & Son 

Wm Russell 

M A Root 



59 



H B McCauley 

Wm H Lcatherbury 

J Toy 

Horace Park 

Chas Galager 

William O Eaton 

Thomas J Hough 

C P Bayard 

Philip Kelly 

John Preutis, jr 

G W Beyer 

N F Comly 

Anderson Shultz 

H Griffith Cailer 

J Andrew Keehmle 

Chas Cully 

Bowl by & Brenner 

E VV Shipley 

S Bonnaffon 

Joseph McDowell 

F W King 

Charles Conrad 

Browning &. Brothers 

William H Allen 

H P Wolbert 

W P Heron 

John II Collins 

Chas Hilson 

Moses D Kezler 

S T Steel 

Joseph H Smilo 

James Porter 

Anthony A Gifford 

William H Bond 

James Eyre 

John S Erben 

T J Corbyn 

James H Smith 

Thos B Potts 

Wm Kelley 

Ebenezer Coob 

Danl Algeo 

Thomaslus Corbanus 

W E Drake 

Barhert, Brothers & Co 

Jno Watson 

Jchn Smyth 

John M Gummey 

Chas Penweyer 

John Church 

Wm Young 

Thos Neilson 

Toppan, Carpenter & Co 

John L Heylin 

Joseph Dubs 

Saml Allinson 

Henry J Boiler 

Wm G Cochran 

P Barry Hayes 

Henry R Gilbert 

William Gilbert 

David Webster 



Henry Ogle 
Jos Worrell 
J L Taylor 
Ephm Clark, jr 
J V Merrick 
Chas Picot 
Martin Dubs 
Dacosta & Davis 
Saml B Grice 
Wm V Wicht 
N J O Farrell 
Wm Croll 
James Moore 
William Hudson 
Henry Naulty, jr 
Alfred Vansant 
Jos Wood 
A R Andrews 
Ridgeway Gibbs 
M A Maper 
W Kern 
Henry Myers 
James F McCarty 
Jos Glading 
S S Fetherston 
H DTalmer 
George N Freeman 
J Gregory 
John Butterworth 
John Conyer 
James Cibbons 
Wm H Garrigues 
Richard Lower 
S W Comfort 
George W Hankinson 
George Kern 
Parkinson & Co 
F Fetherston 
Thos C Warburton 
Geo A Barber 
Francis Lee 
Chas B Pottinger 
P V Duflon 
M A &- L Shumway 
Fithian, Jones & Co 
Wm L Snodgrass 
Chalkley Somers 
M Egolf 
F G Cardwell 
P Diller 

Arthur A Moult 
H G Erben 
S C Wilson 
Lewis Wigman 
Wm M Fox 
Henry L Hay 
Chas Weekley 
Jacob Maison 
James H Keath 
Jos G Parke 
Harry P Dorsey 
H H Benner 



Edward S Figler 
Harris & Co 
J B Venerable 
John Fred A S Pearson 
Robert Sproal 
Charles Garman 
Wm H Frautwvine 
Ezra Cridland 
Henry Chapman 
John Whiteman 
Henry Fredrick 
Stephen D Moore 
Wm Quandill 
Wm K Suter 
Lawrence Ginter 
Andrew Yerkcs 
John McFee 
Wm Baxter 
Walter Smith 
Samuel Wilde 
Wm Kitchen 
Chas Harris 
James Kelly 
John S Cropley 
James McMillin 
Wm; Lupton 
J Travilla 
Jesse Jenkinson 
James Harper 
Caleb Johnson 
Wm Erison 
James Hamilton 
M A. Heirn 
Wmi'ietrick 
Conrad II Yearsly 
Andrew CofFman 
Abm Barnes 
Charles Gmolin 
E Y Shelly 
James J Thomas 
J Jno Rump 
Azel P Davis 
Wm Rees 
Edw Harris Miles 
James S Theobold 
J Harley Simpson 
Rich S Newbold 
A E Ashburner 
Jauretche &. Carstairs 
L W Bickley 
H R Mifflin 
George Smith 
Allston Wilson 
W F Jones 
Henry E Simpson 
W II West 
W T Norris 
Anthony Michael 
A G Wallen 
John G Sharp 
George Snyder 
Thomas Van Lee 



60 



Thomas J Miller 

S L Todd 

E D Woodruff 

John B Tucker 

SMith 

T D Hart 

R T Wellington 

Jesse L Trump 

Nathaniel Transue 

Peter Keen Ashton 

E Forrest Koehler 

John M Gihnore 

Harry P Dorty 

John W Young 

Andrew Beatty 

John Milvvard 

Thomas Borradaile 

George Ross 

George B Meteer 

Campbell, Martin & Co 

E W Morrison 

G A Lavvton 

G. B. Partridge 

Theodore Pincus 

M J Lukens 

J H Filson 

William Jones, jr 

Wm Henry Bird 

Everett & Engle 

Field & Langstroth 

W Burton 

James H Cochrane 

Morgan, J Buck & Morgan 

Jackson, Ross & Co 

Jas R Smith & Co 

Charles B Kimball 

Reynolds, M Farland &. Co 

J R C Oldham 

Anthony Green 

Richard Chambers 

F Campbell 

William M Sample 

Russell & Schott 

Fred N Benedict 

Sinnickson, Storm, Martin 

Boyd & King 

John Whiteside 

Linn, Smith & Co 

Charles L Rowand 

Lewes & Butler 

Richard Paxson, jr 

Harris, Turner & Hale 

Wm H Hurley 

Henry Foulk 

James S Powers 

Chamless Smith 

Peter B Curry 

George J Lincoln 

Winner & Evans 

James Rees 

Samuel Scott 

N T J Jaroux 



George Wray 

Frederick Fairthorne 

Alfred H Love 

C J Shower 

T W Baker 

Musgrave, Wurts, Bonnell 

Wood, Abbott & Co 

Henry Henderson 

Charles C Mish 

Wilmer &- Brother] 

Joseph T Mather 

Bolden & Price 

W Piatt 

Andrew M Jones 

Peter Sken Smith 

William D Connelly 

James Walker 

William Chaloner 

Alexander Knox 

Samuel B Trout 

Charles Burr 

T S Seagse 

John Johnson 

Moses Johnson 

Wm T Massey 

Michael F Clark 

George W M'Clelland 

Joseph S Burnett 

Wright, Brothers &. Co 

John S Bird 

John Davies 

D Goldman 

Samuel Sparhawk 

E G Elkinton 

Cooper, Henderson & Co 

H W Hewes 

Blanchard, Heyl, Blanch'd 

Throckmorton, Green, Co 

James Harris 

Wm C Harris 

Wm G Heyl 

Jacob Cook 

B F McClure 

Wolf& Peyton 

J P Hassler 

Daniel S Fine 

William D Jones & Co 

Smith, Way & Co 

Robinson & Co 

John Craig 

D G Craig 

E Swift Young 

George T Rahn 

J S Walters, jr 

.Conrad Walton 

Abbott Johns & Co 

P V Opie 

John L Koyl 

Burnett & Se xt 

Jacob Mayer 

John M Parry 

W Magill 



Thomas S Newlin 

De Coursey, Lafourcade 

&Co 
W W Wimer • 
Francis K Shipper 
Love, Smith, Shillingford 
John M Hildeburn 
Wm H Y Sowers 
Edwin W Sellers 
J Wootten 

John H Brown & Co 
Dunlap & Crossman 
George H Oberteuffer 
Deland Grant 
Robert G White 
John Faussit 
Earps, Haven &, Tucker 
Henry Kauffelt 
Edward Taylor 
Joseph H Trotter 
Peter Bridenthal 
J P W Neill 
Henry Eagan 
G McDuhan 
Thos W McAlister 
Wm Dobson 
H M Workman 
R T Conrad 
Edwin Forrest 
Francis Register 
John L Thompson 
H Patterson Boyle 
Thadeus J Privateer 
Charlton Potts 
J McPherson 
David Ford 
Jonas Myers 
J W Bullock 
James Pilling 
M McCauley 
J B Knight 
W S Warner 
L Mattlock 
Richard McClure 
John B McMullin 
John Smith 
Christian Duue 
R McK Ludlow 
E G Scott 
Walter Scott 
Freeman Scott, jr 
John Sands 
John G Deitz 
Joshua Yardley 
John Thornley 
N H Woods 
John Chas Laycock 
John Bennett 
Joseph S Panes 
R W Benson 
Samuel C Purvis 
Samuel White 



61 



George H Hough 
Joshua H Boggs 
Henry Coffman 
Stephen Worthline 
John Hildebrand 
C H Harrison 
Albert Harrison 
J R McCurdy 
Peter Young, sr 
James McFarland 
Lemuel Stout 
John W Crossland 
E Smith 
A M Hopkins 
William Carmony 
Stevenson H Smith 
John Rheim 
Thomas Smyrk 
A L Ron m fort 
Charles Roumfort 
John Stallman 
William Stallman 
John Stallman, jr 
Reuben Sands 
Jacob L Hinkle 
Joseph Rnous 
George Cress 
George W Peter 
Orlando Snyder 
Jesse Millman 
James S Stallman 
Franklin Dutweller 
W P Hacker 
Cox & Boughton 
Robert Taylor 
J P Steinor 
Henry Vollmer 
Francis F Wolgamuth 
L L Pauly 
C A Thudm 
J C Sherborne 
G W Bartholomew 
H E Turner 
Denis Moyne 
Robert Horn 
Henry J Courtenay 
Wm D Sherrard 
G M Godress 
John Mason & Co 
John C.Keffer 
Samuel Sherrerd 
Fred Linck 
J K Sulger 
Edw F Wattson 
Geo Keffer 
Geo Rodgers 
Wm B Schnider 
Joseph F Sharp 
Charles Morris 
William Stephens 
Henry M Clayton 
T L Smith 



Wm McMartin 
J W Van Lee 
C McDermitt 
S T Field 
Henry Hyneman 
Joseph Winder 
Elias P Hall 
John H Scheetz 
H A Scorrey 
Joseph S Madden 
Lafayette Hubert 
Wm J Cunningham 
James K Rogers 
Francis E Brady 
J Green 
F Vallee 
Dultv & Johns 
R L Smith 
A Enterline 
Thomas Peterson 
Thomas James 
John Choate 
James Hardy 
Thomas H Connell 



Jacob S Pebley 
Henry Blyc 
C S Wurts 
James Abbott 
Wm Montelius 
Dunlap & Jones 
Wood & Oliver 
Christian Hahn 
E Damai 
Charles Rugan 
Whitney, Schott & Co 
Henry C Shurtleff 
Charles Ryan 
E R Taggart 
Wm M Armstrong 
Martin & Smith 
Joseph W Caldwell 
Isaac Patton 
J Z Beans 
Taylor &.? Paulding 
W J Taylor 
George O Evans 
Frederick Cadnus 
Wm W Overman 



Sibley, Motten & Woodruff Joseph Harvey 



George M Le 
E T Mockridge 
Joseph Master 
Harkness &, Son 
A Parvin 
H R Shearer 
C Brown Snyder 
Joseph P Sarchet 
Arthur Wells 
J W Throckmorton 
George M Bain, jr 
Odenheimer <fc Tennent 
R Williams, Son &, Co. 
Charles B Williams 
Charles M Taylor 
W W Moore 



James S Bird 
Samuel L^Hallowell 
Martin &, Patton 
Dale,*Ross & Withers 
Speakman & Meeser 
W J Coates 
J P' Drivers 
R B Brinton & Co 
J Oliver, Boyd & Co 
Smith, Murphy & Co 
AH Miller 
Wm A McAdoo 
Louis Cooper 
W T Lyon 
John U Giller 
J G Houston 



Williamson, Taylor & Co Strawbridge & Borden 



John Johnston 
Thomas C Mabury 
James M Davis & Co 
Jungerich & Smith 
Gemmill & Cresswell 
John H Ritchie 
A M Wilkinshau 
J B Champion 
Jackson M'A Bee 
J F Souder 
Charles Henderson 
Samuel L Tanguy 
Wm J M'Cammon 
B N Wynkoop 
N J Rees 
J P Magill 
Charles Lafourcade 
Albert C L Crawford 
James Cannon 
David E Oak 



Robert Houston 

Danton & Lawson 

John Malm 

William M Ogden 

Wm Riley 

James Small 

Jacob A Lex 

A R Fodgeray 

Frederick Scefield 

Peter Conrad 

B P Williams & Co 

Isaac M Moss & Brother 

Lind & Brother 

Mat T Hagan 

George Bringhurst 

George T Bouldcn 

Francis Heyl 

Dutihl, Humphrey & Co 

Charles C Dunn 

John B Koons 



62 



E Bartholomew 
B F Crawford 
Jonathan Sowers 
James Chifsy 
William P Meredith 
Edward Y Tonsend 
John Jordon 
H Lawrence 
Martin Reinhard 
John H Stockton 
S B Crawford 
D & J Noblit 
Edward Perot 
R S Cassatt 
Edward P Borden 
Jacob C Abel 
Moses La Rue 
P McNeill 
P Lewison 
H M Morrison 
H G Thompson 
M Myers 
D A Kelly 
Jacob Plucker 
Samuel D Patterson 
William Hudson 
John H Myers 
James O Keef 
M Thompson 
George W Lee 
David Boyd, jr 
A Ritchie 
George Edwards 
F D Edmonds 
John M Knight 
James Walton 
Charles W Leech 
William K Jones 
Moses J Masscy 
James McDaid 
James T West 
II H Houston 
A K Campbell 
James K Nichols 
J C Umberger 
George Bird 
William Wray 
James M Hilsee 
James L Turner 
John Aicken 
W C Patterson 
John Bennett 
WMF Magraw 
Wm P Blight 
John McCrea 
Samuel Webb 
William Little 
William Harman 
Clinton G Hess, M D 
Benjamin Stees 
George Knott 
Josiah Slonaker 



Samuel Steinruch 
G C Geepe 
Henry Baumback 
Isaac Elliott, jr 
Louis Blare 
Thomas R Hawkins 
William G Cutter 
F II Rameur 
G S Pfouts 
Wm Bradford Roatch 
M Thompson 
Samuel Goldey 
Jno C Maschill 
Thomas M Richards 
Isaac Goodwinn 
Charles Fisher 
Daniel H Scheetz 
Jacob Freas 
John P Detwiler 
William Barnheters 
Samuel Bason 
Alexander Hare 
William J Ottinger 
George Weiss 
Franklin Haas 
John Signs 
Samuel Nice 
Otis Stimmel 
S & S Hecht 
H C Simson 
Jacob Mayer 
B Blumer 
L Ettingood 
Wm G Mintzer 
Edwin S Elfet 
Henry K Nine 
J Y Martin 
C Marter 
S T James 
Wm H Jackson 
S Van Loan 
Geo R Welding 
Charles Parker 
Wm Stevens 
T Farren 
Fredk J Watts 
Robert Dale 
Wm H Rhodes 
John M Snyder 
Wm H Snyder 
Jos H Foster 
A C Suplee 
Lewis S Briest 
L Thos White 
Wm Blake 
Isaac Turpin 
C Warner 
Chas Cavenaugh 
John Davy 
John S Warner 
Geo Clark 
John Caldwell 



Frs C Thomas 
James F Dillon 
Miles Sweney 
Henry B Kinnard 
Henry Huddy 
Saml Bray 
A Rundio 
Thos M McKeever 
W H Miller 
Wm M Powell 
John W Smith 
Samuel Hunt 
Thos Thompson 
Mathew McCaw 
Kennedy McCaw 
W Green 
Joseph M Doran 
Daniel Steel 
Jonathan A Smith 
Paul J Field 
Chas J Field 
F Flomerfelt 
Geo W Smith 
Chas Carr 
Thos W Webb 
Hugh Purves 
Walter Thompson 
Chas Bro Grienes 
W B Thompson 
J H Casaday 
George Moore 
Abm B Kauffman 
B Crispin 
Chas Read 
Simon M Gaul 
Henry Barry 
Isaac Wilkins 
Jacob Gilbert 
Lewis Pelouze 
Richd R Spain 
John Blackburn 
J Morison 
H H Kline 
John C Wall, M D 
Jas D Bennett 
John Wagner 
Wm L Fable 
P T Simon 
J W Everson 
Chas Peters 
Edw H Farr 
Napoleon Sheridan 
Oliver A Lindsay 
E C Bullard 
Peter Birch 
Wm Simons 
Davis Deveny 
John M Lindsay 
F J Hamilton 
E P Stockdale 
Alex Miller 
David E Paynter 



/ 



63 



Henry T Moore 

John Fagan 

Perry Hartman 

James Doran 

James Synnamond 

Thomas Fettis 

Mathew Rogers 

H L Hallowell 

J Clark Thompson 

Wm E Parry 

D M Paddock 

George Hobart Doane 

J P Heyward 

A P Ahrens 

Robt E Matlicys 

John Good 

David G Shauffel 

J B Bloodgood 

Chas Murfit 

Geo Merrick 

Chas Smith 

J W Morgan 

A Snodgross 

J E DeGraw 

John Duncan 

David B Margerum, Esq 

John Briggs, jr 

B L Quinn 

D M Chambers 

Alexander M Macpherson 

John Woodside &. Co 

M M De Young & Co 

H J Smith 

Irwin Akers 

Morgan & Reeves 

W C Newell 

G A Leineau 

H Kellogg & Sons 

Clark & Aull 

Henry L Foster 

Sill &. Arnold 

Andrew Butler 

Thos Hewitt 

Wm P Reville 

John Cassidy 

Norman Hall 

D S Wiltherger 

James Perey 

Henry Whiteley 

John Hill 

F Stoevcr 

J W Martin 

R Butcher 

Wm C Vernon 

Jos Hersley 

John S Harman 

James P Butler 

William D Talmage 

John Adams 
Alexander Rudolph 

Charles Mason 
Charles Deliver 



John M'Cawley 

Andrew Mein 

James Massey 

John Gilfillen 

H M Arthur 

Geo R Fisher 

A A Still 

Wm Thompson 

John Brvan 

C Grubb 

John Brodhead 

J L Ludlow, M D 

A E Dougherty 

J C Vandyke 

Lewis Plilt 

A Bate man 

Geo H McCully 

Wm Camm 

J D Mendenhall 

Chas McGrath 

Jno W Oliver 

John Thompson 

Edvv Patterson 

Jos Ellis, jr 

W J P Stokes 

John Tucker 

Harry Connelly 

Geo McKeown 

Jas Gibson 

John Zeigenfuss 

Thomas J Johnson 

Fredk Forst 

C W Warton 

Geo A Milligan 

Chas Ketchlane 

J N Smith 

Jas Runner, jr 

Jeremiah Field 

Henry Branholtz 

Cyrus J Urban 

Thos Reese 

John R Williams 

Jas Williams 

Jas K White 

John Gamble 

A M Levy 

Dr N B Leidy 

R Simpson 

Washington J Jackson 

H A Gildea 

Jos Severns 

Edw Ellis 

Geo W Wharton 

Geo Smith 

Jas Bourk 

Benj M Feltwell 

C W Amable 

H H Doty 

Thos Byrns 

Francis Doyle 

Wm J Leiper 

Chas T Hyneman 



Edw C Andrews 
J H Ford 
Enoch Marple 
Wm H Wright 
Wm D Lewis, jr 
J W Goff 
E Frear 
Wm V Boyle 
K Yune 
J L Poalk 
J G Spry 
Wm J Young 
John Foley 
Bernard Murray 
John H Williams 
N Harned 

J W Smith 

R R Gibson 

H A Taylor 

Aaron Messinger 

Wm Parsons 

David L Spruanse 

B Ettinger 

D Goldman 

Marcus Cauffman 

Wm Bench 

Gideon N Greer 

James Holmes 

Geo Grant 

Thos B Price 

John A Elison 

J S Fenton 

W D Leymond, jr 

J S Whelen &. Co 

R H W T oolworth 

Horace B Fry 

Henry P.Rutter 

Henry Black 

J B Ganchler 

Wm S Hon us 

Jas Gebhard 

Henry McC'ullough 

T Peter Delas 

T C Paul 

Samuel Coffin 

Jeremiah Wade 

P McGuire 

Thomas E Baker 

Saml Shreeve 

J A Field 

Walter Lawson 
Edw Buckley 

S B Walpole 

Wm N Tisdall 
T C Imendoreffer 
Wm M Green 
Wm McMullin 
Chas Fitler 
Isaac McCarty 
Jas Wilson Salmon 
Geo E Shenfelder 
James Timmoney 



64 



John W Flinn 
John H Cunningham 
Alex L Watkin 
John Thompson 
A B Thompson 
George Wri tcher 
Charles Hortz 
Jolin D Hardy 
John P Campbell 
James Hardy 
H McGathen 
Wm V McGrath 
Patrick O'Brien 
James O'Brien 
John O'Brien 
Jolin Diamond, jr 
John Dougherty 
Alexander Diam 
Nicholas Rossiler 
Joseph Ellis 
Geo H Holmes 
Wm J Crans 
P Williamson 
Wm Roe 
Geo T Mcllvaine 
G A Hubbard 
Andw Keiffer 
Thos Canning 
Luke Williams 
Jesse George 
Wm Bender 
Hugh Clark 
M Carlin 
Richd Leich, jr 
Allen Rutherford 
Barth Bartle 
James Elliott 
H F Smith 
E H Haskins 
Geo F Goodman 
Hamilton Donahue 
Geo W Watson 
J Hubbard 
Hugh Cassedey 
Percival Williams 
Elhanan Omensetter 
John Roddy Cunning! 
George Bewley 
John B Dawson 
Henry Walter 
Thomas A Ha 
Wm F Brady 
D G Work 
E Thompson 
S H Garwin 
P McCoy 
John E Lewis 
C Kelso 
Jas W Scott 
f'has K Neisser 
Thomas Butler 
Albert G Emerick 



J R Knox 

A B Pear 

F A Trego 

Wm F Dean 

F Curran Philpot 

A G Stout 

Elisha Crowell 

Oswald Montgomery 

James J Barclay 

Charles Thompson Jones 

Joseph A Clay 

A J .Montgomery 

Horatio G Jones jr 

Richard TElkinton 

Wm C Cooper 

Wm H Gatzmer 

Geo A Fales 

A W Smith 

Wm H Woolery 

John Hunter 

James Loughead 

Woodward &. Brothers 

Herring & Bowen 

John Hibler 

Wm E Tracy 

Wm Carr 

W Mitchell 

H S Park 

M in ford & Cam in 

John Morris 

F G Smith 

Joshua Lippincott jr 

John Amey 

John Harding & Co 

Edward F Tracy 

NP Thomas 

John H Wager 

Henry Godley 

M Bevan Humphreys 

H Clay Winchester 

Thomas H Newbold 

Albert D Bache 

S Spencer Jones 

Wm Baxter 

Wm Hardwane 

Fithian J Clark 

John Dickerson 

Dallas & Aertsen 

M Callmont, Taylor & Co 

P B Fuller 

A C Bryson 

E C Clement 

F Brown Stitt 

Wm S Grattan 

E N Grattan 

Wm G Mentz 

Geo W Brown 

George Newell 

James Earton 

Robert Maguire 

William Howell 

J H Butler 



Edmund Cowperthwait 

Geo Pancoast 

C Sherman 

John C Dobelbower 

Henry B Hirst 

Wm H Clark 

Danl L Woodlock 

Wm M Martin 

Albert B Ashton 

Edmd Porter 

Jas Newell 

Jas H Carr 

W V McKean 

E P Lescure 

Geo K Childs 

Wm W Reitzel 

P McNeill 

W Colton 

Peter Logan 

John McGrat 

Geo Johnson 

Geo Whiteman 

R F Festerman 

J W Cuthbert 

M P Jones 

J J Tinney 

Wm Aechternacht 

Geo Cope 

Henry Cope 

J M Vandorveer 

John Bawd 

Geo Gasman 

Jas Leech, jr 

Henry Hollingshe 

Geo Green 

Jas F Claypole 

Thos Logan 

John J Lloyd 

A H Haskins 

Jas Logan 

Fredk Dick 

M N Hambright 

Michael Worrelow 

John Jones 

Henry Tvsseyel 

Thomas J Miles 

David Webster 

P Barry Hays 

G W Fairman 

Horace L Peterson 

A Nathans 

J Yorke 

Edmd M Hansell 

H A Piersol 

John R Manderfield 

Frank Howard 

Chas M Wagner 

Chas H Mason 

E V Everhart 

Theo Evans 

Jos White 

R E Hacket 



65 



H. F. Osborne, 

H. Beck, 

Alexander Purves, 

James Bloomer, 

Isaac West, 

David Edwards, 

John V. Jefferey, 

J. Higbee, 

David Hamilton, 

T. W. Custis, 

James Carey, 

Michael Mulligin, 

John S. Spronel, 

William F. Edwards, 

Peter Darly, 

John Duncan, 

W. M. McNork, 

George Worrell, 

Samuel Adams, 

John Resitor, 

Thomas Bishop, 

John Lewis, 

William Henry, 

James J. Sumpsoul, 

Thomas S. Hue, 

John W. Saunders, 

Wm. Schellenger, 

Peter I. Rowland, 

Wm. C. Wheeler, 

R. Hand, 

James C. Fisher, 

William J. Benners, 

Jacob Drinkhouse. 

R. S. Cauffman, 

James S. Medara, 

Stotsbury & Ayres, 

Rank, Brooke & Repplier 

Anspah, Brother & Co. 

Robert Selfridge, 

Bunn & Raiguel, 

John C. Baker, 

Charles S.Ogden, 

Eli Silvis & Co. 

Ludwig, Kneedler & Co' 

Huttun & Yard, 

C. Machette, 

H. Clay, 

De Witt C. Taylor, 

Jacob L. Baker. 

C. J. Lneedler, 

H. G. Sterling, 

Samuel Barton & Co-, 

John Brock, Sons & Co.. 

Marple & Seiser, 

Banner Thomas, 

Joseph Herriges, 

S. Cridland, 

George Zell, 

John List, 

Peter Keller, 

Albin Gnest, 

Griffith Griffith, 

B. Brazer, 

J. Richard Myers, 

Thomas Downing, 

M. R. Harris, 

Hugh F. Meers, 

James P. Thompson, 



A. Wright, 
John Kurper, 
Alexander Thompson, 
George Painter, 

T. W. Warr, 
Charles Eldridge, 
Foss & Jencks, 
Robert Steenson, 
John Rice, 
James L. Claghorn, 
James D. Ferres, 
Alfred R. Potter, 
Charles B. Durborow, 
Thomas E. Potter, 
Charles M. Rogers, 
Thomas Bell, 
E. Brown, 
George Young, 
John S. Newbold, 
James McCauley, 
William W. Flaherty, 
Charles W. Leech, 
S. M. Dux, 

B. G. Goughrey, 
R. H. Ennis, 

J. Straughan, 

E. McCalla, 

T. J. Raymond, 
John McLoughlin, 
John Woodruff, 
Charles Warner, 
John F. Keen, 
Thomas Throp, 
Samuel S. Wise, 
Machette & Raiguel, 
Y. R. Baird, 
C S.Chambers, 
Eckel, Raiguel & Co. 

C. Smyth, 
George Eckert, 

D. B. Woodbury, 
George Deveys, 

C. Santee, 
Isaac Daley, 

J. B. Crawford, 
Robert McGee, 
R. B. Connelly, 
S. M. Day, 
Joseph S.Riley, 
Henry L. Smith, 
Samuel Halzel, 
Albert A. Ashton, 
R. Price Walter, 
Franklin Stimmel, 
Samuel A. Badger, 

F. E. Dagens, 
Charles E. Carroll, 
Thomas Helm, 
Charles Hunt, 
George Selfish, 
Charles Porter, 
N. B.Brom, 

D. Rudley, 
James Mell, 
Michael Larkins, 
Samuel D. Coffin, 
Hugh Fox, 
Charles A. Gillespie 

5 



Palmer & Clayton 
John W. Claghorne, 
Thomas Page, 
Henry Day, 
Thomas \. Midlen 

E. Pilling. 
Allen Robinett, 
Francis J. Hammell, 
George Roany, jr 
William S. Stewart, 
W. W. Bowman, 
William H. Newbold 
Josiah Bureh, 

J. R. Schwartz, Jr, 
John Rynex, 
Paul W. Ketler, 
Robert McLeesonville, 
Charles F. Burgin, 
Samuel C. Perkins, 
George Jenkins, Jr 
William Henry Rawle, 
Charles Nicholas, 
Thorns S. Smith, 
H. S. Lowber, 
William Byrd Page, 
Francis R. Wharton, Jr. 
H. Cramond, 
John M. Barclay, ■ 
John Dallett, 
Samuel Wilson, 
Joseph Turner, 
Adam G. Porter, 
Simon Henry, 
James Lewis, 
George Fling, 
Henry Edwards, Jr. 
J. G. Barton, 

F. Hammersley, 
V. Howell, 
Andrew Jackson, 
Franklin Cummings, 
Bernard McGuire, 
Stephen McGinnes, 
Benjamin F. Fox, 
Richard P. Coburn 
Felix McFaren, 
Samuel Simpson, 
Terrance O'Gowen, 
Timothy Drake, 
John Hosier, 
George J. Stone, 

D. Ehley, 
A. Patterson, 
Rodney Jane, 
Peter Major, 
Benjamin F. O'Brien, 
Theodore Ford, 
M. Stirk, 
John Moneghan, 
Henry B. Marks, 
Moses Y. King, 
Y. S nod grass, 
D. Young, 

G. Foster. 
Herman Smith, 
E.Klein, 

R. Herst, 
Thomas Malone. 



66 



A. T. Thouron, 
James Boggs, 

B. Potter. 

William E. Altemus, 
William H.Hall. 
Nathan Myers, 
Richard Curtis, 
Thomas Lloyd, Senr. 
R. G. Amies, 

L. Harwood, 
J. Kauffman, 
Thomas Slater, 
John Cunningham, 
H. F. Taylor, 
John B. English, 
J. M. Christopher, 
James Burk, 
Myers, Claghorn & Co. 

D. W. Clark & Co. 
Rust& Hitch, 
William Crowley & Son, 
N. Thouron & Sons, 
Moses Red path, 
Charles Davis, 
Mawson Brothers, 
Valentine Burkart, 

Z. A. Truefitt, 
Samuel F. Altemus, 
Samuel F. Altemus, 
W. Evans Harris, 
Jacob Thomas, 
John K. Bradbury, 
W. Warnock, 
John Sepplen, 
P. D. Jefferies. 

E. M. Ca vender, 
Thomas Jenckens, 
George Robinson, 
P. L. Ferguson, 

B. B. Swearengen, 
W. L. Nichol, 
Edward Owen, 
R. M. Slaymaker, 
Charles W. Sinclair, 
Fleming Holliday, 
William L. Hildeburn, 
William English, 
Thomas H. Brickman 
A. W. Barbour, 
A. Pancoast, 
John W. Massie, 
John S. Browning, 
Joseph B. Stark, 
A. C. Proud, 
Gavin H. Woodward, 
Charles M. Worrell, 
Charles H. Smith, 

F. J. Figneira, 
James C. Christy 
W. H. Brown, 

J. Frederick, 
Robert G. Harper, 
William H. H. Gardner 
Morgan H. Jones, 
T. J. Thompson Jr. 

G. De Korpony, 
T. J. Tohas, 

A. T. F. Hart. 



Samuel R. Williams, 
W. F. Boone, 
Robert W. D. Truitt, 
W. B. Wood, 
James W. Bacon, 
H. M. Russell, 
P. R. Ward, 
A. G. Allen, 
Robert C. Kid, 
William H.Sickels, 
C. H. Fisher, 
Joseph Head, 
M. Pope Mitchell, 
J. M. Scott, 
L. A. Scott, 
W. L. Schaffer, 
C. S. Boker, 
James H. Home, 
Enos L. Blue, 
Andrew Miller, 
Walter J. Budd, 

F. Fraley, 

John S. Hamelin, 
William W. Longstroth, 
Glasgow Holmes, 
E. Douglass Wallace, 
Henry Frothingham, 

G. S. Benson, 

A. Benson & Co. 
H. D. Mavin, 

G, W. Hankins, 
Samuel E. Coe, 
Samudl Henry, 
James P. Cromwell, 
Joseph P. Cramer, 

B. B. Comegys, 
P. N. Dallas, 
Aubrey H. Smith, 
W. Shippen, Jr. 
Edw. L. Poalk, 
Joseph Maitland, 
J. W. Henderson, 
James L. Poalk, 
Emanuel Byerly, 
Wardale G. McAllister, 
J. Maguire, 

James R. Ludlow, 
Jacob R. Ludlow, 
John M. Collins, 
J. J. Wharton, 
Edwin P. Frick, 
Edwin F. Frick, 
Henry Wharton. 
Samuel Wehlerill, 
Peter Woger, 
Samuel Wetherill, 
Henry Fling, 
W.E Whitman, 
John P. Montgomery, 
Charles G. Willing, 
Charles Harlan. 
H. E. Keene, 
William Rawle, 
Edward Shippen, 
Pearson Yard, 
James A. Bancker, 
John K, Mason, 
Edward Gardiner, 



George W. Norn's, 
Coleman Fisher Jr., 
M. Thomas, 
J. Dover Thomas, 
E. Spencer Miller 
R. C. McMurtrie, 
Edward R. Jones, 
Isaac Norris, 
J. Dorsey Bald, 
John D. Bleight, 
Wm. H. Phinekle, 
Robert Morris M. D. 
D. Paul Lajus, 
W. Seward Randall, 
Hughes D. Muller, 
Willis P. Hazard, 
Harrison Hall, 
Benjamin Stiles, 
S. H. Carpenter, Jr. 
Alfred C. Gowen, 
John R. Vogdes, 
W. Heyward Drayton, 
Henry E. Drayton, 
Edw. S. Coxe, 
M. S. Dickey, 
William N. Beebe, 
William Penn Feeney, 
Michael Falls, 
A. D. Landreth, 
Daniel Gill, 
L. Stern. 
W. K. Lynard, 
John B. Titus, 
G. W. Cabale, 
Eber Hutcheson, 
John H. Thompson, 
David Brown Jr., 
James W. Casady, 
Robert Ralston, 
H. D. Kimball, 
James C. Skinner, 
Thomas Clark, 
J. A. Hammond, 
John S. Louderback, 
Robert W. Louderback, 
Benjamin Hoover, 
S. V. McLean, 
Anthony Tully, 
Job Green, 
James Crosson, 
Wm. Beebe, 
B. Baker, 
Thomas Graham, 
Charles Louge, 
Jacob Jackson, 
John Stewart, 
L. D. Schellenger, 
John Rosa, 
Benjamin Kirk, 
William Bittle, 
H. Maull, 
J. Ames, 
J. A. Cook, 
George Robinson, 
John Rhoads, 
Samuel Jackson, 
Samuel P. Davis, jr, 
John Fuller, 



67 



Jackson Barden, 
John Kohlen, 
Frederick L. Smith, 
Samuel Richards, 
Henry Waiter, 
Charles Baush, 
Thomas M. Trival, 
William Pue, 
Peter Fraley, 
William B. Lawson, 
William L. Harney, 
Edward Patterson, 
Arthur Reid, 

A. Hewitt, 
John Rusk, 

J. Lewis Harder, 
L. U. Edmunds, 
John Lamman, 
William Craft, 
James M. Vandever, 
William H. Hart, 
Joseph M. Williams, 
H. A. Adams, 
William M. Baird, 
James Whitaker, 
John Struthers & son, 
Z. Locke &Co. 
James C. Thompson, 
Samuel Hill, 
J. C. Stilwagon, 
Domenick Kehoe, 
Edward Franklin, 
JV. Franklin, 
Jacob W. Sanders, 
Edward H. Souder, 
JVathan Levering, 
William Drysdale, 
William B. Cline, 
George James, 
Thomas McMichael, 
G. Parker Cummings, 
George R. Birch, 
R. S. Walton, 
William Reams, 
S. K, Haxie, 
William Wilson, 
Samuel Simes, 
William H. Fox, 
L. M. Troutman, 
Edw. C. Wharton, 

B. McCredy, 
Martin Smith, 
David Paul Brown, Jr. 
M. R. De Young, 
William Reynolds, 
Henry W. Ducachet, 
John Chambers, 
Gavin Watson, 

J. E. Hagert, 
Gaw & Macalister, 
Alexander Bacon, 
John J. McCahan, 
H. R. Davis, 
N. Hopkins, 

C. C. Norvell, 
James Hopkins, 
P. P. Howard, 
C. Hickling, 



Townsend Whelen, 
Henry J. Biddle, 
George Heberton, 
George N. Harvey, 
George Manley, 
Edwin Swift, 
Samuel L. Bewley, 
Alexander Censon & Co. 
J. Lafourcade, 
William Bradford, 
James McCrea, 
Frederick F. McCrellish, 
W. Piatt, Senr. 
Robert Bald, 
Simon Mudge, 
Isaac Sulger, 
R. O'Callahan, 
Ross Wilkinson, 
Victor & Sartori, 
Joseph Cartlidge, 
Peter McMorland, 
Cornelius B. Cassady, 
J. A. Thomson, 
David B. Morell, 
Travis Cochran, 
William H. Fox, 
J. G. Hollingsworth, 
Isaac Hays, 
Daniel Baugh, 
E. W. Bailey, 
William Whitney, 
Hugh Fisher, 
C. Paul Dunckle, 
George Spackman, M. D. 
P. Brady, 
John Thompson, 
John Good, 
Thomas Johnston, 
John Logan, 
Samuel Day, 
John Marks, 
J. H. Biddle, M. D. 
Paul Beck Goddard, 
Joseph Young, 
G. H. Huddell, 
S. J. Snyder, 
Philip Voris, 
Caleb S. Fisher, 
John Cozzens, 
S. H. Wolf, 
John Dowling, 
George C. Carson, 
Joseph Pleasants, 
Pleasants Bassett, 
James D. Smith, 
Thomas C. James, 
Benjamin Hays, 
H. McCall, 
George S. Pepper, 
W. Chancellor, 
James A. McCree, 
J. H. Huguenete, 
David Marshall, 
Benjamin Ballangee, 
Wm. H. Knowles, 
William Sprole, 
William Champion, 
W. Worrell, 



A. F. Kille, 
Thomas Rahen, 
James Saunder, 
J. A. Burton, 
John Marshall, 
P.Hand, 
Joseph Griner, 
Wm. Jerread, 
E. T. Collins, 
J. Myers, 
Thomas Hoffman, 
C. E. Pool, 
Owen Roberts, 
S. Paigh, 

William G. Donley, 
W. Y. Irvin, 
J. Mapple, 
George Palmer, 
Thomas Duling, 
P. Cooper, 
James Smith, 
S. Home, 
Charles Tisdale, 
Charles Peters, 
S. M. Schellenger, 
William Eldredge, 
John B Stivan, 
Benjamin Allen, 
William Townsend, 
George D. Hoffner, 
Daniel West, 
George Kinsley, 
Joshua Browne, 
Thomas Farlery. 
William Healey, 
Daniel H. Smith, 
Joseph C. Canare, 
George French, 
James G. Howitt, 
C. A. Carpenter, 
Samuel Johnson, 
Joseph Rhoads, 
William Priest, 
Samuel Pancoast, 
J. W. Zane, 
J. Smith, 
W. S. Jorden, 
John Scott, 
W. C. Baxter, 
John Peterson, 
John Jackson, 
William Hugh, 
Henry Ham, 
H. Vickery, 
J. G. Ryan, 
J. A Rowland, 
J. A. Marshall, 
B. B. Hughes, 
M- English, 
Robert Enven, 
George H. Packer, 
Joseph Murray, 
H. A. Burton, 
William M. Marshall, 
Joseph Yerkes, 
F. G. Wolbert, 
John Robinson, 
Charles M. Schott, 



68 



Elias Hull, 
L. Rebols, 
John R. Shankland, 
C. G. Reynolds, 
James W- Flehher, 
Win. W. Fulton, 
Thomas M'Carthy, 
John G. Ringland, 
Peter Cullin, 
Daniel Gillin, 
W. B. Leidy, 
G. W. Miller, 
Joseph Cox. 
H. Shloss, 
Daniel Creth, 
John D. Sloan, 
Richard Evans, 
Thomas G. Brown, 
John H. McCormick, 
Charles Shloss, 
F. C Stembreekey, 
VV. L. Tagert. 
John McEwen, 
Robert Shermer, 
David E. Hess, 
Wm. D Lewis, 
P. C. Ellmaker, 
Henry Hampton, Jr. 
Jacob Price, 
George H. Brown, 
Henry L. Woods, 
James Wright, 
Henry G- Long, 
Thomas Painter, 
James Steel, 
Thomas McCurdy, 
George W. Cummings, 
J. Alder Ellis. 

B. Wilcocks, 
John McFaddins, 
William Field, Jr. 
Oscar Hammond, 
A. A. Winegardner, 
W. R. Vanderbelt, 
R. C. Miller, 

M. S. Wallens, 
James Devine, 
Hiram Focht, 
V. W. Eliason, 
E. C. McClure, 
J. B. Waterbury, 
John Field, 
Jacob F. Pleis, 
George W- Michener, 
William H. Eyre, 
William C. Smith, 

C. A. Clark, 
W. J. McClain, 
Joseph N. Price, 
Alfred Taylor, 
William H. Carr, 
Samuel Lingerman, 
Daniel Wisener, 
Thaddeus H Martin. 
George W. Vansant, 
Mentor Perane, 
Philip Renn, 

A. J. Rapp, 



Frederick Nichol, 
Allan Vandegrift, 
Jonathan J. Morrison, 
H. H. Edwards, 
Benj. McFotten, 
A. Wiltberger, 
Joseph Tindall, 
Jacob Baker, 
William Baker, 
Charles F. Mayer, 
George W. Carter, 
William Foster, 
Charles Blake, 
James C. Rook, 
L. Green, 
A. A. Daubert, 
Gabriel Felson, 
F. Little, 
Wm. A. Harvey, 
S. E. Abbott, 
J. C. Clinn, 
John P. Hood, 
A. Tuttle, 
A. G. H. Row, 
James Feeny, 
Adam Heckler, 
William Marker, 
Henry Black, 
J Rand, 
Edward Jones, 
Joseph F. Tyson, 
Robert S. Blake, 
Wm. Bready, 
George Perkins, 
James Baum, 
Josiah Neely, 
Thomas Shallcross, 
William Darrah, 
Mahlon Randall, 
Hiram Jeanes, 
Thomas Evans, 
Thomas B. Worthington. 

Jesse Johnson, 

Elijah Skeen, 

Samuel C. Webster, 

James Niblick, 

John Slack, 

Griffith Miles, 

Joshua W. Headly, 

Chas. J. Gunagan, 

John White, 

Samuel C. Pancoast, 

W. A. Ceary & Co, 

R. S. Van Syckel, 

E. B. Crowell, 

Jacob Hentz, 

Jesse Dean, 

John M'Gowan, 

Adam Morris, 

Jesse Clewell, 

David M.Carter, 

George S. Fox, 

James Allen, 

Joshua L. Clift, 

Edward Ely, 

Josiah S. Jones, 

Allen D. Hellerman, 

william Eichman, 



A. B. Shinn, 
John Rose, 
John Nice, Jr. 
Joseph Lewis, 
M. Goel, 
P. K. Fritz, 
A. Gordon, 
Abrnham Arthur, 
William Flinn, 
William Moon, 
James Moon, 
James Burns, 
J. Combs, 
John Finley, 
Robert Finley, 
Richard Colter, 
Samuel Wiseman, 
Oliver Thome, 
William Delaney, 
Jonathan Hibley* 
Abraham Fenn, 
Thomas Helveston, 
Joseph Miller, 

A. Gordon, 
John McCall, 
Samuel Young, 
Jacob Knight, 
William Stockdale, 
Charles W. Darrah, 
Brittain Willard, 
John P. Jamison, 
Jeptha II. Munn, 
Henry C. Gillingham, 
Stephen G. Worthington, 
William S. Warner, 
James S. McNair, 
Charles S. Kerr, 

David Knowles, 
S. J. Ross, 

F. W. Margeram, 
Francis S. Sheets, 
John Jones, 
Joseph Hough. 
Zadok Sturges, 
Edw. Armstrong, 
J. R. Hollock, 
John Dungan, 

P. McBall, 
S. Bradford, 

B. Dunlap, 

G. Rush Smith, 
Ferdinand W- Hubbell, 
George Griscom, 

J. A. Tyson, 
Thomas Biddle, 
J. P. Clarkson, 
Nathaniel P. Brown, 
James Smith, 
F. M. Washburn, 
J. R. Wucherer, 
D. Lewis. 
George W. Page, 
George F. Lehman, 
William A. Porter, 
Thomas C. Bunting, 
Benton Smith, 
Quintin Campbell, 
David Paul Brown, 



69 



John Kiesly, 

Nathan Parry, 

Jacob Hinkle, 

Joseph Miller, 

Samuel Spering, 

Franklin Spering, 

Joseph Andress, 

Jarnes Griffiih, 

Isaac Parry, 

Joseph Runner, 

Henry Hunter, Sr. 

Jordan H. Oliver, 

George W. Benners, 

John P. Fetters, 

R. W. Bicknell, 

Wra. W. Abel. 

Wm. Stainrock, 

Joseph Carr, 

Wm. Rochester, 

William McDaniel, 

Amos Palmer, 

John M'Clary, 

Samuel T. Bodine, 

John D. Miles, 

R. W. Le Count, 

Francis A. Blackburne, 

Thomas Birch, Jr. 

Benjamin Gaskill, 

P. E. Birkhead, 

Robert McCulloch, 

Thaddeus Norris, 

William Blackburne, 

Coleman, Kelton& Campbell 

James R. Scolt, 

F. H. Robeno, 

R. Comly, 

John Turner, 

William McDaniel, 

A. B. Cumings, 

S. Bonnell, Jr. 

I. A. Kurts, Jr. 

W. H. Stewart, 

Johanness Schmith, 

James M. Breban, 

W. B. Workman, 

James J. Stead man, 

Lawrence Seckel, 

George W. Gill, 

John J. Breban, 

T. B. Phelps. 

William B. Wooldridge, 

H. G. Clark, 

Thomas Williamson, 

Robert Daly, 

Walter Herbert Smith, 

Henry G. Fisher, 

Thomas Vansant, 

Isaac Baker, 

Daniel Fox, 

Robert Hall, 

Samuel Patton, 

D. J. Walters, 

Joseph C. Vanpelt, 

George Sullivan, 

Charles Farrars, 

David Carstairs, 

Henry Norden, 

John Mauil, 



James Conway. 
S. S. Bishop, 
George Sharpe, 
John B. Dawson, 
Sullivan & Pascal. 
Joseph J. Simons, 
R. W.Cline, 
Thomas Sparks, Jr. 
J. W. Burns, 
Samuel Bell, Jr. 
James E. Bell, 
Benjamin H. Kinsell, 
Robert G. Hilsed, 
John Jones, 
M. Dickinson, 
S. T. James. 

C. Kimmerley, 

D. M. Robinson, 
John White, 
James S. Self ridge, 
Edwin A. Carlyle, 
Charles E. H. Richardson, 
James L. Towney, 
Augustus Maher, 

John Brown, 
A. Morell, 
William McDaniel, 
J. K. Smedley, 
J. W. Stile, 
L. Hughes, 

Thomas Dunn English, 
Charles R. Hawes, 
Faust & Winebrenner, 
William S. Robb, 
J. Clark Thompson, 
William H. Selsor, 
Jonathan Livezey, 
Z. B. Ritenhouse, 
James C. Tully, 
Samuel Stroup. 
Jacob Saurbeir, 
George A. Gill, 
John Goodfellow, 
H. Feal, 

William Colbridge, 
Charles Cain, 
John Kuril, 
A. Rup, 
M.C.R. Dagor. 
Jacob W. Smith, 
Jesse Rex, 
Edwin Rose, 
Elijah Haupt, 
George Sharpiless, 
George Brooks. 
Casper Guyer, 
Peter Kooker, 
George Hoyt, 
Solomon Nittoucer, 
Jacob S. Weaver, 
Henry C. Bender, 
Peter Mayland, 
Henry Vaughn, 
John Mcllvain, 
Samuel White, 
Bamet Cohen, 
John Diamond, 
Samuel Brown, 



Charles F. Maguire, 
Henry M. Dernant, 
H. W. King, 
Alex T. Lane, 
W. N. McCarty, 
N P. Brower, 
Edward Taylor. 
J. V. Diller, 

A. A. Banks, 
James C. Gillmore, 
Samuel Thompson, 
Samuel Duffield, 
C. & J. L. Schaffer, 
P. P. Morris, 

B. H. Coates, 
Horace Hubbell, 

B. Gerhard, 
Joseph Richards, 
Edward Hurst, 
Andrew Miller, 
Cornelious J. Bradford, 
William H. Brown & Co 
Kay & Brother, 

C. Sutherland. 
Peter C. Funk, 
Peter Fagerson, 
John Mil ward, 
W. H. Dodge, 
Stephen Dodge, 
Thomas Jones, 
John B. Spackman, 
G. J. Phillips, 
Robert S. Primrose, 
H. Schrim, 

John Rankin. 

W. H. Hunter, 

Robert W. D. Truitt, 

George M. Lauman, 

Henry Delany, 

H. Robertson, 

Z. A. Davis, 

Jacob Langdorf, 

Augusta B. Pefelt, 

M. Stem. 

John Huff, 

Woodward, & Brother 

Bartalott & Blynn, 

Jonathan See, 

Geens & Moyer, 

Jacob Young, 

E, F. Smith, 

Abraham Cramer, 

Adam C. McConnell, 

John G. Wolf, 

Stewart Magee, 

David Faust, 

John A. Reeve, 

Henry H. Churchill, 

Charles B. Axe, 

B. C. Denison, 

James Knorr, 

A. M. Nutt, 

P. Stimmel, 

J. Sawyer, 

Wolf, Arnold & Mesbourn 

A. D. Boileau, 

Austin Scott, 

Miles N. Carpenter, 



70 



William F. Small, 
Frederick Brown, 
William B. Heiskell, 
Joel Jones, 
Craig Biddle, 
Chapman Biddle, 
J. F. Biddle, 
J. C. Mitchell, 
George W. Colladay, 
George Emlen, 
N. G. Mattison, 
James B. England, 
M. Russell Thayer' 
James W. Baron, 
John Clayton, 
Joseph B. Townsend, 
Samuel M. Smucker, 
J. Murray Rush, 
Samuel Hood, 
J. Simon Cohen, 
Jacob R. W.olf, 
George Norton, 
Benjamin Rush, 
N. B. Brown, 
Freeman Scott, 
Wm. C. Neff, 
John M. Barton, 
John W. Choat. 
Jacob Hellstab, 
William McDonald, 
John Davy, 
John F. Armington, 
George D. Krips, 
John T. Chillman, 
John McKenny, 
Charles Rainer, 
Javuett Harri, 
James P. Shallcross, 
J. W. Barnson, 
William Stroud, 
Thomas Feen, 
William Shaw, 
Amos P. Ellis, 

A. L. Baker, 
Jacob Stallack, 
Karl Matlack, 
M. Magary, 
Eugene B. Law, 
Robert Pillard, 
Lewis Ott, 
Thomas Doyle, 
Denis Lynch, 
Dennis Kirkpatrick, 
James A. Fisher, 
H. T. Hansbury, 
William Adams, 
Eli Steery, 

John Horton, 
John Ives, 
Thomas L. Guest, 
John R. Hayes, 
Samuel Garrigues, 
Peter H. Lukens, 
John Brown, 
Jacob RedifTer 

B. Schenck, 
Wm. Peters. 
Joseph Terek, 



Joseph McDonald, 

George Aid ridge, 

George C. Senderling, 

Henry Aldridge, 

Francis A ldridge, 

Jacob Neff. 

J. P. Hutchinson, 

Hyman Gratz, 

W. Gratz, 

John B. Kenney, 

H. Ralston, 

J. Sanderson. 

George H. Baker, 

William Elbert Evans, 

William V. Anderson, 

Alexander Wilcocks, 

Charles Williams. 

T. M. Bryan, 

Henry Carson, 

David Samuel, 

William Stimson, 

Rowland E. Evans, 

E. Davis, 

James Markoe. 

W. Eyre, 

John J. Devereux, 

Howard Gilden, 

C. A. Koehler, 

John Norman, 

Robert Lister, 

J. A. Farrelly, 

Thompson & Crawford, 

S. H. Crawford, 

Henry Remmey, 

Albert W. Graham, 

Thomas Brown. 

George H. Heckman & Co. 

N. W. Hickman, 

Bock i us & Brother, 

George Culin, 

J. G. Kennedy, 

E. P. Moyer, 
Augustus C. Moyer, 
George N. Allen, 
Edward Pearce, 

F. W. Rawle, 
Joseph M. Williams, 

A. D. Cash, 
Lewis H. Redner, 

E. A. Murphy, 
Robert Kelton, 
R. W. Coleman, 

F. L. Orrick, 
Nicholas Wallace, 
W. Bumm, 
George Earp, Jr. 
Wm. E. Lehman, Jr. 
Samuel J. Randall, 
Thomas H. Knight, 
Isaac Smith, 

E. &G. Dallett&Co. 
William Hay, 
William Field, 
John Hollis, 
William S. Hansell, 
S. Ford Hansell, 
E. Hansell, 

B. A. Kirkpatrick 



S. L. Holliday, 

D. C. Wharton, 
S. L. Hanning, 
Joseph Cox, 
John Pierson, 
Edw. Y. Farquhar, 

E. Carpenter, 
Peter Callen, 
Charles F. Lex, 
George Cadvvalader 
Robert H. Small, 
W. Carlisle, 
William Carr, 
William H. Heath, 
Benjamin Etting, 
George Whitney, 
E. J. Etting, 
James Baker, 

J. W. P. Lewis, 
James S. Spencer, 
John B. Perry, 
Fort Ihrie, 
J. F. Cottrell, 
George W. Stull, 
JoelC. James, 
Hammond Griffith, 
J. Heritage, 
Thomas E Brackin, 
John Hocker, Jr., 
John Wilgus, 
Michael McCusick, 
Joseph P. Ford, 
Samuel F. Flood, 
J. Bayne, 
Jacob Potter, 
A. James, 
C. D. James, 
Joseph Armstrong, 
Lewis Kugler, 
M. Sandgrim, 
E. T. Chase, 
C. O. Smith, 
Francis West, 
J. Moorehead, 
James A. Castle, 
Wm. A. Adams, 
E. S. Warne, 
W. H. Elsegood, 
E. W. Miles, 
Charles Brown, 
Walter McCrea, 
Westcott & Halloweil, 
Richard M. Moore, 
Frauds Squire, 
David Ray & Son, 
Thomas B. Mahan, 
James McCarty, 

C. Gray, 

William H. Phillips, 
George H. Delicker, 
John S. Wilson, 
W. L. Fitzgerald, 
Charles A. Elliott, 
James A. Graham, 
John Elkinton, 
J. B. Champion, 
James B. Hollins, 

D. C. Trump, 



71 



Samuel R- Carpenter, 
J. B. Stockdale, 
C. C. Dombey, 
James Horner, 
William Cooper, 
Arthur Brades, 
Richard A. Peddle, 
Thomas Helm, 
C. Croll, 

George \V. Hufty, 
Samuel W. Weer, 
Emmor Whelden. 
Asher M. Wright, 
James A. Sawyer, 
George Mackay, 
David Bradley, 
Samuel R. Kramer. 
John D. F. Wallace, 

C. K. Abbot, 
Richard P. Jones, 
John Singleton, 
Edward W. Maddock, 
Peter Sparks, 
Henry Elias, 
William C. Rudman, 
Caleb S.Wright, 
William P. Smith, 
George W. Hickman, 
J. C. Nashanel, 
Thomas Ker, 
Michael Wise, 

A. P. Gregg, 
W. Hollyday. 
Robert J. Biddell, 
S. E. Jones, 
William Heinen, 

D. Blair, 
George Badine, 
Thomas Swink, 
J. Vansciver, 
William M. Wilson, 
Daniel Jeffras, 
John A. Newman, 
Robert Barclay, 
Benjamin Talby, 
Papnitz Fute, 
Henry Read, 
.Nicholas Grim, 
Samuel H. Crawford, Jr 
David Weldron, 

Isaac Hicks, 

Abraham Carlile, 

Jacob Conover, 

Jacob W. Clark, 

John Vanderbilt, 

Samuel Whiteside, 

George Moors, 

Thomas Owens, 

William A. Gardiner, M. D. 

Major Whiteside, 

David H. Gripenburg, 

Robert Parham; Jr. 

James Wills, 

Stephen R. Tomlin, 

M. M. Reeve, 

Charles P. Hays, 

N. B. Kneass,' 

James Magee, 



A. B.Hamilton, 
R. B. Hentzelman, 
John W. Bartleman. 
Thomas W. Duffield, 
John A. Steel, 
W. J. Steel, 
James Todd, 
Thomas Hayes, 
A. D. Chaloner, M. D. 
N. B. Pugh, 
W. B. Ranken, 
Thomas T. More, 
John Naglee, 
John O'Brien, 
Alexander R. Laws, 
H. M. Kimmey, 
J. Barclay Harding, 
John G. Ford, 
E. G. Waterhouse, 
J. M. Harding, 
Jasper Harding. 
Robbert Morris. 
Hugh Craig. 
Andrew J. Holman, 
W. W. Harding, 
A. W. Thompson, 
John B Weir, 
R. W. Barnard, 
Samuel H. Crawford, Jr. 
J. Hallowell, 
William S. Yocum, 
Alexander Davidson, 
Joseph Barclay, 
Samuel Hall, 
John Bradford 
John Teamey, 
George D. Cheyney, 
James Carstairs, 
Andrew Davis, 
Charles Norris, 
George Ord, 
Robert R. Stewart, 
Gilbert Warner, 
John J. Garvin, 
Nathan S. Riter, 
Samuel Magargee, 
George Petrekin, 
J. M. Brown, 
Samuel Jones, 
M. McGee, 
W. W. Knight, 
Aaron Myers, 
J. E. Cooke, 
Theodore T. Deringer, 
Joseph C. Molley, 
Thomas W.Gilbert, 
James Parker Norris, 
John Coyle, 
J Z. A. Wagner, 
W. Gray Stille, 
John F. Schell, 
W. Hannings, 
Thomas S. Lloyd, 
Thomas Johnson, 
M. B. Mahony, 
Isaac Wayne'Olvvine, 
R. B, Morrell, 
George Fitzalen, 



Jacob Snare, 
Andrew Stief, 
Amos Leland, 
Joseph Seydel. 
A.J. Damont, 
L. Clinton Billingslea, 
Townsend Ward, 
W. B. Duval, 
E. T Jones, 
A.Hergesheimer, 
R. Fraley, 
B. Redefer, 
David Lee, 
William Fisher, 
Joseph A. Shaeffer, 
J. S. Culp, 
Jaseph D. Murter, 
Robert Winterbottom, 
George Hergesheimer, 
Patrick Hughes, 
Jacob Roop, Jr 
Jeth Redfer, 
Jacob Weafle, 
Daniel Stroup, 
Jacob Stallman, 
Charles B. Engle, 
John G. Childs, 
Alexander H. Jones. 
Daniel M. Dungan, 
Thomas Mcdowell, 
George W. Dungan. 
Robert Thomas. 
George W. Ritter, 
James Mcdonald, 
John Hill, 
Henry L.Clew, 
John Stagers, 
James Harney, 
James Maxwell, 
Owen McGirr, 
Theodore Evans, 
George Plitt, 
Chamber McKibbin, 
H. C. Laughlin, 
J. McKibbin, 
W. M. F. Magraw, 
Hamilton McVeigh, 
William R. Harlan, 
Andrew Pierce, Jr 
Mahlon Ball, 
S. E. Slaymaker, 
Theodore C. Heyl, 
Charles SchafTer, 
Thomas Reath, 
Joseph Havilland, 
Edward Wain, 
Edward E. Law, 
Hall W. Mercer, 
James R. Gemmill, 
L. L. Longstreth, 
John Jordan, Jr 
Samuel Elkin, 
Troutman & Hayes, 
John H.Jones, 
H.Jackson, 
Samuel T. Shozer, 
Amos Lanagan, 
Theodore Anderson, 



72 



Wilson White, 

John J. Jones, 

John Cramer. 

Joseph F. Burke, 

William Henderson Moore, 

W. R. Corson, 

E. C. Huntington, 

Henry Ovenshine, 

Frank Campbell, 

R. M. Patterson. 

John Otl Rockafellow, 

John Kinports, 

Rex, Brooke & Brown, 

Levi H. Barr, 

S. B. Camqbell, 

V. O. Falcks. 

J. C. Steiner, 

Tobias Buehler, 

Henry Tilge, 

M. & S. Steinberger, 

Adolf Klopfer, 

Joshua B. Byers, 

Joseph F. Tobias, 

A. Kafmen, 

T. Rau, 

Sigmund Clinsten, 

William W. Selfridge, 

Abraham S. Wolf, 

Richard Bacon, 

Nathan S. Hales, 

J. P. McFadden. 

Rees H. Torbert, 

Peter Rodgers, 

J. G. Rau, 

Thomas J. Comly, 

John Estreicher, 

Henry R. Raiguel, 

M. Pollock, 

Shields & Miller 

Edwin Shields, 

William Harris, 

John McCorkraddern, 

William L. Sisom, 

S. H. Runyan, 

James Reed, Jr 

Charles B. Wender, 

Thomas G. Connor, 

William Blading, 

Peter Parker, 

K. Woodward, 

Alfred L. Hough, 

Charles Apple, 

William F.Hughes, 

Matthew Van Dasan, 

George K. Childs, 

W. A. Morrell. 

George W. Hufty, 

Augustus A. Thommaaon, 

E. C. Marion, 

H. M. Mnrtin, 

A. G. Duhamel, 

T. B. Peterson, 

Stephen N. Winslow, 

W. E. Drake, 

Henry G. Fisher, 

John K. Zeilin, 

Oliver S. Weeks, 

George H. Moor, 



John Bennet, 
William C. Fuller, 
Charles S. Statem, 
Joseph S. Shorras, 
W. L. Tothwick, 
Joseph Tallman, Jr 
John McAbee, 
H. H. Benner, 
Michael Heisley, 
D. S. Kremer, 
Thomas Wood, 
William Vanopler, 
Alexander J. Harper, 
George T. Knorr. 
James A. Wood, 
O. H. Partridge. 
John Black, 
H. B. Ferry, 
R. Charlton Mitchell, 
A. J. Wentworih, 
Dr. T. D. Mutter, 
William Y. M. Muzzey, 
Michael Ryan, 
Thomas S Fling, 
John T. Nielson, 
Henry Lafourcade, 
Robertson Wharton, 
F. Emlin Meigs, 
P. Schlesinger, 
F. Hutter, 

Michael J, Williams, 
Charles Vesin, Son & Co 
John Fries, & Co 
Fdward Levering,. 
Andrew C. Craig, 
Lewis, James & Co 
William V. Keating, 
John Savage, 
A. H. Batchelder, 
Canby Steel, 
Frederick Thomman, 
Benjamin Marshall, 
W. F. Emlen, 
David H. Bell, 
C. W. Sanderson, 
John M. Scattergood, 
Val Holmes, 
John O'Brien, 
J. D. Sergeant. 
Charles Wain Morgan, 
W. C. Tevis, 
Comegys Paul, 
Morton O. Henry, 
Joseph R. Paxton, 
Frederick Gentner, 
Henry M'llvain, 
John B. Gest, 
George W, Wollaston, 
Abraham H. See, 
J. Edward Taggart 
H. L. Fassitt, 
Henry C. Baird, 
Lloyd P. Smith. 
Henrv Zantzinger, 
W. M.Tilghman, 
J. Vanderkemp, 
George Tucker, 
Clark Hare, 



H. M. Springer, 
J. W. Odenheimer, 
D. B. Stacey, 
William S.Simpson, 
Francis Wharton, 
Thomas J. Diehl, 
John Pennington, 
C.J. Lewis, 
R. H. Gratz, 
William Smith, 
Francis Hopkinson, 
John H. Taylor, 
William Dulles, 
Henry Krugman, 
F. Sheppard, 
Charles B. Penrose, 
F. Tiernan, 
A. Biddle, 
W. Shippen, 

William Arthur Jackson, 
William P. Hales, 
George M. Thompson, 
Jesse M. Galligan, 
John B. Morass 
James O'Rourke, 
Aaron Morgan, 
Charles Blibzeh, 

Bogart H. Zebley, 
Joseph H.Hand, 
C. A. Hirst. 

David S. Garton, 

Charles A. Carpenter, 

T. Sydney Russell, 

Charles H, Ash, 

Peter Pelouze, 

R. H. Knowles, 

J. P. Pleasants 

Freeman Scott, 

Isaac Hazlehurst, 

Charles J. Biddle, 

Daniel Dougherty, 

Francis J. Grund, 

Robert Hare. 

Mordire Robigun, 

J. W. Riddle, 

Charles Y. Matheys, 

William Harland Billin, 

II. Lawrence, 

George M. Freeman, 

George W. Benton, 

Joseph P. Loughead, 

Thomas Hooper, 

William Henderson Moore„ 

J. S. Silver, 

Charles Johnson, 

George Mullholland, 

Charles W. Albertson, 

Joseph E. Leib, 

Bryant E. Ferguson, 

Henry W. Overman, 

S. C. McCorkle, 

C. Tiers Myers, 

Thomas Balch, 

W. J. Henderson, 

Henry Godley. 

George Handy Smith, 

C. S. Funk, 

A. Jackson Anderson, 



73 



Frederick G. Matthews, 

Samuel Simpson, 

Terrence O. Gowen. 

Perry Dougherty, 

Timothy Drake, 

G. Washington Drake, 

David Seaman, 

John Hosier, 

George J. Stone, 

D. Ehley, 

James Dern, 

A. Patterson, 

Rodney Jane, 

John A. Clark, 

Joseph G. Cart, 

Peter Major, 

Simon Dyott, 

Anthony Montcure, 

George Museum, 

Robinson & Stean, 

A. F. Woodland, 

Joseph Josephs, 

Peter Dennis, 

Francis Mason, 

Tisdale Tipton, 

John Harbacker, 

Anthony Phillips, 

Amos Lubess, 

George Huffnagle, 

Albert Caston, 

Sidney Archer, 

G. Washington Brown, 

Hiram Mandry, 

W. S. Mandry, 

Felix Maguire, 
Peter Cary, 
Simon C. Buchanan, 
James Cameron, 
Philadelphia Passmore, 
A. D. Young, 
H. A. Yocum, 
Richard Perry, 
F. J. Conley, 
Patrick Kelly, 
Felix Morriss, 
Felix McDonough, 
John Devinney, 
Alexander Burges, 
John Alexander, 
Simpson Johnson, 
A. G. F. Stevens, 
Thomas Warner, 
Able Lukens, 
T. D. Davis, 
John Thomson, 
William W. Thomson, 
George Thomson, 
S. Y. Thomson, 



Richard Thomas, 
George Waterman, 
Thomas Winthrop, 
Robert A. Parker, 
James Parker, 
B. M. Shain, 
Henry Soliman, 
John Shade, 
William B. Hart, 
Joseph Edwards, 
James W. Paul, 
W. J. Adams, 
E. D. Ryan, 
George Scott, 
Simon Long, 
Samuel Ball, 
Peter Wrightton, 
Samuel Paul, 
Edward Felt, 
T. P. Wood, 
D. E. Whelan, 
Benjamin Bullock, 
John Lloyd, 
John McCanles, 
John Burton, 
John B. Austin, 
A. K. Chambers, 
Thomas Smith, 
Edwin Kirkpatrick, 
J. Goldy, 

Samuel T. Canby, 
Lowber & Burrows, 
C. W. Sinclair, 

A. Kirk, 

B. C. Duplaine, 
S. B. Barcroft, 
Thomas S. Foster, 
W. F. Swartz, 
Reed, Brother & Co 
Daniel Haddock, Jr., 
William Nassau, senr 
S. S. Reed, 

Jacob Keck, 
James H. Shethen, 
Robert H, Fox, 
John M. Melloy, 
Wslliam P. Rudulph, 
Charles L. Haldrich, 
Henry A. Fleming, 
William F. Myers, 
William Fleming 

E. W. Smith, 
John Leatherman, 
George Carson, 
Henry Hallowbush, 
George Fite, 

F. A. Server, 
E. B. Carpenter, 



L. W. Duffle, 
Jesse Williamson, Jr, 
James Cavenaugh, 
John Castner, 
Thomas Sparks, 
John R. Rue, 
Joseph B. Andrews, 
Robert Clark, 
D. Henry Fliekwir, 
Hugh O'Donnell, 
L. Roberts, 
James S. Smith, jr, 
George C. Snyder, 
William Mallard, 
William Nassau, Jr, 
William Thomson, 
John A. Bell, 
Peter Lamb, Jr, 
John M. Davenport, 
J. B. Wade, 
J. Shalcroft, 
Thomas Wilton, 
S. P. Cornrnan, 
Hiram Fish, 
Moses Y. King, 
W. Schriner, 
Andrew Miller, 
Y. Snodgrass, 

D. Young, 
G. Foster, 
R. Herst, 
Herman Smith, 
C. Berly, 
Banker Reed, 
H. Frances, 
G. Burrows, 
B. Maslerson, 
Tirrion Janter, 
Musgrave Henry, 
M- Eicholts, 

E. Klein, 

Jonathan Johnson, 
S. Burr, 

M. Musselman, 
R. Leochler, 
T. Hand, 
E. Brinn, 
M. Markley, 
H. Hand, 
Robert Milton, 
Paradise Winters, 
Philip Daly, 
John Quincy Arnold, 
Barton Magill, 
Simpson Black, 
Terrence Toole, 
Amhurst Blake, 
Mathew Anderson, 



74 



Paul Applegate 
G R Sanderson 
Albright Simmons 
Joseph Wood, jr 
Fred Koonsman 
George Cromley 
Peter Applebaugh 
Jos Koonsman 
Francis Timmons 
Wilkinson Moore 
S H Fagan 
Abraham Watt 
F S Molloy 
Geo Bunting 
Thomas P Dennger 
K ATustin 
Alfred Little 
Eastwood Gorman 
Joseph PMaguire 
Saml Somers and Co 
Anthony J Wright 
F Burns 

Thomas H Porter 
James B Rogers 
Geo Fryer 
Michael M Ritter 
Trexel&Co 
Gans, Leberman & Co 
Thos R Gilbert 
F A Fiddler 
Geo E Painter 
E H Wilson 
Pat Logan 
Thomas Ryan 
Henry Jones 
F McDerrnott 
George S Polis 
Terrence O'Conner 
Thomas Heron 
John Branagan 
David C Skerrett 
H Erdman 
Robt E Grimshaw 
John White 
John Johnson 
F E Somerndike 
Daniel Durer 
Jacob R Filter 
C H Morton 
P S Ednot 
Wilson Wainwright 
Timothy Furgison 
George Armstrong 
Jery Johnson 
George Abraham 
Charles McNeal 
Harman Ketchline 
Daniel Cadwalader 
B S Halsey 
Martin Shultz 
George Goldy 
Patrick McConnel 
Edw P Vondersmith 



R H K Jones 
Glassmire & Thomas 
Arthur Crane 
Crampsey Drandle 
Craig Cramp 
Michael Collom 
Joseph McBrian 
Lyons McCabe 
Justice Kady 
Joy C abler 
Wm Pressser 
Peter Fougerey 
Woodruff & Paul 
Watson & Wood 
Terrence McGuire 
London Poltney 
Arthur McCebe 
Edward Falkner 
P Miller 
H Omensetter 
J F Luters 
Philip Leidy 
Peter Walker 
Bunting C Thomas 
Robert Blakiston 
E S Peters 
Arthur O'Neil 
Peter McEwen 
J B Hagany 
E Z C Judson 
Gibson Holtz 
F S Belair 
John G Boltoon 
Levi Jones 
Roger Hugh 
Sydney Smith 
Frank Loughton 
Samuel Clotworhy 
S G Post 
A H Light 
H Screen 
G K Tamany 
Michael Loupton 
Isaac Cameron 
Anthony Wilton 
F G Canbery 
Robt Blair 
Geo F Letzenberg 
Danl Co well 
Peter Meeker 
F S Ottez 
Danl Hake 
S P Gramble 
Molloy & Little 
P S Costill 
A H Shanke 
Adam Sherzline 
Geo F Painter 
Timothy Flint 
Edward Scott 
Hart Able 
Thomas Leiper 
Jas Stokes 



G F Blight 
Sampson Black 
J E Cragg 
E S Perry 
Ezra F Raymond 
Peter Funkins 
Frederick Wahl 
John Duncan 
Joseph Severns 
Thos Wolbert 
Robt Snodgrass 
Perry A Brown 
Joab Watson 
Chas Fiskland 
Ennis Wilkings 
Peter Landis 
Paul Hancock 
Ephraim Lightfoot 
Leemore Candy 
Wilson Hardrut 
Henderson Wright 
Paul Clifford 
Jonas Peterson, jr 
Thomas Wright 
Goodman Janes 
SamueljLightj 
P Woods 
Edward Bonsall 
George Cooker 
Dittson Wallbone 
T B Hall 

Francis Skellinger 
P G Hattrick 
Hillock Carpenter 
E S Vanderslice 
Miles Morris 
Giles and Goodman 
Enos Bear 
Walter and Perot 
George Epley 
Francis Spicer 
Joseph P Brelsford 
David Bowers 
S H Meade 
Franklin J Lee 
H F Wilsen 
Henry H Fasey 
Lyman Kulph 
Edward Bowers 
D C Cunningham 
Thomas Rowland 
James Stokes 
Wm E Lehman, jr 
John A Sage 
J Goodwin 
Theodore Le Huray 
Wm B Rankson 
Geo Huffnagle 
Thos Williamson 
Geo Denckert 
GeoRBerrell 
Hor Hubbel 
Jacob Bellmore 



75 



Thos Pain 

Peter Yeager 

Geo Thomason 

Geo Wright 

Hiram Snovvden 

Geo Williamson 

Lawson Jones 

Frederick Woolf 

Samuel Peterson 

MurryHall 

Sampson Tams 

D C Hough 

Paul Thomas 

Kobt Waterman 

A F Rodney 

J P Janes 

Pat Halins 

Geo Lague 

Sol Peters 
os A Fryburg 

John Magraw 

Harrigus Hillegas 

Todd &Fenner 

Zane Tunisson 

William F Wilkinson 

George F Burns 

Hiram Wiltbank 

Townsend U Harris 

J H Porter 

E S Barry 

Thomas W Porter 

Hallman & Hibler 

Gillmore & Fipps 

George K Hough 

P H Tulley 

Wright Ardis 

W E Major 

Suiters & Wilkins 

Anthony Cooper 

Saml P Gorgas 

S P Senica 

Geo Gladding 

Danl Work 

Hartman Franks 

Thomas Young 

S R Somerton 

Peter Zehley 

Geo Zeigler 

S F Walker 

Bassett Mortimer 

Edward Harmstead 

John Gaul 

Ferd Daes 

J C Factory 

Thos Butterworth 

Theophilus Geddis 

Paul Dable 

Simon F Passmore 

Eldred Pear 

Purnell S Penderton 
Geo C Perkinpine 
Saml R Redheiffer 

Sidney Dove 



Wm Pleffenberg 
Mark Rittenhouse 
Wm Masse 
S P Williamson 
James Mallen 
David Richards 
Clark & Hesser 
Patrick Carl 
Robert F Bowen 
Alexander Hawkins jr 
N P Smith 
Franklin Colladay 
Campton Wright 
Mark Campion 
W B Coldock 
Edward Flannigan 
Walter Gold 
Jas F Strickland 
HughTimmons 
Barclay SGoodhall 
Malan Heston 
Ewing Richards 
C S Hoskins 
Robert Fury 
L A Farr 
L AFarrjr 
Peter Kline 
F N Newbold 
William H Simpson 
Hugh Malone 
Orphmar Fonners 
Thomas K Freeman 
Edward Landy 
James P Lewis 
James Plitt 
EW White 
James R Prestman 
R S Gardner 
SP Bladen 
Thomas Wilton 
G Broadbent 
John Crow 
Wright Tucker 
A M Webb 
Lem Lamb 
Sidney Pickering 
John Painter 
Sidney Lentz 
FS Jackson 
William Lewis 
George Short 
Robert Gill 
Anderson Welton 
Wm Lowery 
StephPaul 
Norman Lewis 
Mont Hart 
Richard Hough 
Pat Young 
Samuel Morris 
Seymore Harris 
Taliman & Wilson 
Cnandler & Hall 



Morton Stanley 
Sylas Phipps 
Wm Hankison 
Robt Murrell 
Alexander Rankin 
Edw Rankin 
Thos Rankin 
Thos O Neil 
Sylvester P Hays 
Evermont Wilks 
Jos S Mauell 
A P Sylverid 
John Dunn 
James Birch 
Benj Wilton 
Stephen S Somers 
Geo Paul 
Hiram Rich 
Wm J Mead 
T K Sampson 
John P Hale 
Chas J Burns 
Michael Bradley 
PWKinsell 
John Conway 
F Vanleer 
T Harbeck 
James Carpenter 
John List 
N M De Gleason 
Chas Appleton 
T S Axson 
E HOvenshine 
TP Christy 
AH Weaver 
RF Lacy 
Fras Jackson 
James Jones 
Charles L Crump 
Jay Sailor 
Thos Saybolt 
Taylor Fin 
Trucks & Taylor 
Volkmire & Peters 
Alfred Fale 
Starihan & Stump 
Trusty Smith 
Simon Whitehead 
Geo Willis 
Thomas Woodbine 
Jos Wilton 
Stephen Yerkes 
John F Hansel 
J F Browne 
H FPettit 
Edward Trucks 
Langdon Bowler 
Fred Dodge 
Thomas P Mundy 
Wm S Cornot 
Samuel Adelphi 
Wm Depuy 
Simon Weeks 



76 



Charles Lewis 
Wm F George 
E F Norris 
E Storrs 
Joseph Boulton 
Peter Flint 
Geoge Frick 
WHylig&Co 
Alfred Whitney 
Henry Weaver 
John P White 
Thomas Harris 
Alfred Nesmith 
Wm Searle Mann 
F Timmins 
Dunton Cam 
Wm Goodwin 
Wm Ross 
Henry Stout 
Thompson J Tully 
Thos Hutton 
Thos Tustin 
Chas B Rees 
S B Kingston 
Wm Clothier 
F Backus 
Frans Clinton 
Jas MeClaskey 
Elwood Evans 
Harlan Ingram 
G W Van Winkle 
Peter Boon 
Wm Myers 
Geo Thomas 
Henry King 
Jos Fretz 
C P Millar 
Wm D Baker 
George Hope 
John Mickle 
Thos Carr 
Geo Wenzell 
DanielTimney 
H M Goldsmith 
T G McLaughlin 
Philip Coons 
John T Cole 
J Watson 
John C Kavy 
Job Harris 
John Foster 
Samuel Foster 
William Jones 
J Mitchell Wolff 
J Mattson Wolff 
Benjamin Crafford 
E K Fullerton 
Jacob Palmer 
Patk Fisher 
John W Jones 
Simon Ryrie 
John Myers 
George Seaman 



Jacob Johnson 
Henry Duffield 
John Burk 
James Monsey 
Jacob Fraley 
James Armstrong 
Daniel Sheets 
Joseph Christ 
William Glenn 
John W Moore 
John M Kirschenman 
G W Kirker 
Samuel Cramer 
John Jones 
James Flanagan 
Wm Wolff 
John Wolff 
Jacob Reelson 
Jacob Miller 
George W Albury 
John R Thomson 
Daniel Barrett 
George Lenkey 
William Shaubel 
William Mitchell 
Saml Hansberry 
G Morris Doughty 
T K Collins 
J Parry 
Isaac Leeser 
W A Blanchard 
G Moehring 
Henry C Lea 
Henry M Barnet 
F Janvier 
John Hardgreaves 
Nathan F Parry 
EHart 
C Sherman 
E W Cope 
T W P Parry 
J Morris Sage 
B Yessine Sage 
Joseph Blankley 
Moses Tibbins 
J Sidney Keen 
J Henry N Benner 
C S Benner 
John T Hustler 
Philip Lowry. jr 
T P Morris 
Robt F Fassett 
Geo A West 
J K Wilson 
F C Jones 



Chas Magill 
John Hooper, Son & Co 
J U Mitchell 
Jomes O Pease 
Brooks & Roach 
Farnum & Imbrie 
B Boylan 

Chas & Henry Borie 
Wm C Keemle 
Wm Rowbotham 
John Oakman 
John M Pugh 
Alfred L Elwyn 
John McCormick 
Geo F Sites 
Clayton Allen 
Wm Loughlin 
Saml S Moon 
Henry Kleiz 
R M Maddock 
John Kline 
Samuel Hays 
Samuel R Engleman 
Wm Duncan 
Jacob M Thomas 
Joseph Mogridge 
Jno M Hart 
E W Smith 
Laml C Frempt 
Frances Kehr 
John Hoopes 
Henry Hays 
John Given 
Abner Irwin 
Isaac W Tomlinson 
Jesse Gilbert 
Daniel James 
E S Metzgar 
Stephen Yerkes 
David J Hour 
Henry S White 
Frank J Middleton 
John S Mallin 
Michael Hoover 
Lewis Thompson 
Clayton Phipps 
Joseph H Herholtzer 
Geo Zinns 
Wm Kennedy 
James A Freeman 
John H Long 
Francis F Houston 
Wm D White 
Wm D Wentz 
Thos Coldock 



Charles G Shwartz,'M D James L Pretsman 

Wm C Richardson " H Haye 

Wm Henry Larned John Jones 

Albert R Hanson C A Lumsan 

Wm H Hanson G Williams 

James F Bill C W Vandegrift 
TinglyJJaldwell&English Jon Bowen 

Wm C Claghorn Jno Perry 



77 



P S Sanderson 
Geo Wright 
Sampson Peters 
Geo Emery sr 
G McClarren 
G Rosewalk 
E G Hock 
Thos Witecar 
James Van Loan 
Thomas Duckworth 
Marks Helmholt 
J Kildrake 
A Lightfoot 
S Merrihew 
M Parrish 
Edmon S Conner 
James Wilson 
James Cline 
David Cresson 
A Patterson 
Jos Patterson 
Gerry Reed 
R Huntley 
Josiah Williams 
P Q Warton 
Simon McFarland 
George Kugler 
A T Albright 
Silas Huber 
Levi Sunderland 
T T Somerville 
Jno Henderson 
William Ubert 
Edmund M Jones 
Thomas Thomas 
Levi Frank 
Ferdinand Frank 
Marlow Scott 
Peter S Hery 
Heilig Wortz 
T McAleer 
Michael McGonegal 
Charles Weaver 
J F Thackmorton 
P G Pierie 

Parkhurst Thompson 
Domestic Wlntbran 
Kane McBrlde 
Samuel Stewart 
E G Killington 
Geo Savage 
Wood Mason 
R G Dallas 
P K Marks 
Marks Stuckert 
J P Workman 
Edward Thompson 
A B Tatem 
G Brentin 
Abraham Simmons 
Caleb Archer 
Wm Boyd Ross 
J Rhinehart 



John Rhinedollar 
G H Hinkle 
Winder Wright 
Fred'k Klemm 
Henry Keech 
Jno M Atwood 
Chas Wurtz 
John C Pechin 
Henry Delany 
Roberts B Kugler 
George W Deverman 
Jno M Cowell 
James Vinyard 
James C Scott 
R J Arundel 
Joseph Fleming 
Saml Vaughan 
F C Brewster 
John P Lamb 
John Monyer 
Edgar E Petit 
Danl McCarty 
Theodore Hesser 
Wm F Vanhook 
Rueben Sands 
Wm Shepherd 
John Price 
James Daily 
J P Bethell 
Jas A Thomas 
Phillip F Snider 
Joseph Abel 
W W Hawkinson 
Robert Ebling 
James Morris 
Wm Condon 
John M Sanders 
James Dungan 
A Boothright 
James Washington 
T G M Tompkins 
Charles Brady 
John Stiles 
Abe White 
Wm H Albertson 
Joseph Mink 
Henry Watts 
Wm Sergeant 
William E Moore 
Ephraim S Moore 
Peter Foster 
Charles Gmelin 
Thomas Foster 
Andrew Hurdhardt 
Chas Thomson 
Charlton Potts 
John Miller 
John Jones 
Samuel Camerick 
Jacob Carrigan 
Tobey Forward 
Casper Forward 
Wiiliam Helverson 



David Helverson 
John Hartshorn 
John Reldeal 
Samuel Engard 
Henry Loudenslager 
John Myere 
H Grey Otis Clark 
Samuel Sharpless 
Edw Sergeant Meader 
Jacob Collar 
Thomas Scriven 
Joseph Brown 
John Hill 
Casper Souder 
John Cavender 
Daniel Mooser 
Em'l Street 
Jacob Faunce 
Charles Hitchcock 
Henry Funck, Esq 
Jacob Shepelnet 
Henry C D Danks 
Saml L Meredith 
M S Hag a rty 
Richard Walton 
Wm Hickman 
Robt J Wartenby 
Wm Simpson 
C Wrian 
Edw Simpson 
John Folbert 
Benj Sage 
C C Pierson 
C Kunkle 
Silas Seyclee 
Daniel Von Neide 
Benj Wright 
Henry Atkins 
Henry Leech 
J Frank 
A C Garvin 
J T Vodges 
Thos Garvin 
A W Suplee 
J Queen 
John H Frick 
N Le Brun 
Robins, Hill & Co 
Wray & Gililan 
Thos F Shewell 
Lewis & Sterling 
Newlin & Allibone 
Andw M Jones 
Edward Pleasants 
J B Okie 
Chas A Warring 
John Grigg 
Joshua Levis 
I W King & Co 
L J Levy & Co 
Baily & Co 
J & B Orne & Co 
John Gough 



78 



John C Dawson 

Isaac W Potts 

Mich Reed 

Hugh Elliott 

J W Bethell 

A W Mitchell 

Heald, Buckner & Co 

Samuel T Comly 

Lambert Burrows 

C W Sinclair 

HKirk 

B C Duplaine 

S B Barcroft 

Thos S Foster 

W F Swartz 

Reed, Brothers & Co 

Richard P Mogridge 

John G Marshall 

J T Delacroix 

W J Hemphill 

Jas Gallagher 

S A Muser 

Robt Wilson 

John Lee 

Wm M Hamilton 

Geo Johns 

P J Etter 

J Bewers 

Saml Mills 

Aaron Bewers 

J R Broom 

John Broom 

Jos Wilson 

Peter McMichael 

Samuel Peters 

Charles Welsh 

L Musser 

P Musser 

Benjamin Young 

Aaron Stambaugh 

Anson Velts 

R T Sneed 

J Guild Millette 

James Fitzgibbons 

B T Thurston 

C F Savary 

Wm French 

T J P Stokes 

Simon Rool 

Geo Lucas 

Simon Suters 

Levi Solemm 

W B Ruglass 

Kline Ruglass 

Williamson Martin 

Kline Wharton 

Dale Owens 

John R Ruggles 

Joseph Renellc 

Stratton Jordon 

Daniel McKay 

M Sheffner 

Lezin D Sparks 



Samuel Smith 
Michael Henpecker 
Silas Randle 
A Stilwagon 
R B Overman 
S Crewless 
ESKay 
Middleton Haas 
George H Williams 
I Cresson 
P Veraton 
M Merrihew 
Thos Tenner 
B Sayhen 
Jas Patterson 
Josiah Callman 
Joseph Barger 
Willis Tallman 
Maland Wartman 
Wilton Markland 
William S Wilson 
Sankerson Thomas 
Wm Wallace 
S F Fish 
J Mackley 
M Martherly 
Geo Claiefelter 
Enoch S Kamp 
Philip Leidy 
George G Leisei.ringj 
Dewart Thompson 
Andrew Daugh 
Geo F Hergesheimer 
G Sidney Fisher 
Mark Malone 
Amable McFarland 
Hugh McAleer 
J D Fieldmar 
P S Hartshog 
Samuel Otferman 
P S Thomas 
Jesse Jordan 
John J Kerrison 
Peter Lamasure 
Fred Jordan 
John Killinger 
Peter Mahew 
John R Stork 
Lemuel Woodruff 
Petter K Patterson 
John R lngersoll 
W Bowman 
Terrence McGuire 
John McFarley 
Geo L Bond 
J S Simpson 
Wm Suters 
John S Nichols 
Simon Goul 
Geo Slaw 
Cartney Siddons 
C A Ambler 
Wm Fiss 



John Leech 
James Rillon 
John Ludenburg 
Simpson Siddens 
Marton Goldener 
Mich'l Ellsler 
Geo Deal 
Henry Hanneman 
Sam'l McCay 
David Owens 
Albert Pascall 
Thos Brown 
O S Ritchel 
Chas Wright 
P McDonnell 
Wm Tatem 
B C Chellis 
L J Ellon 
C S Florence ' 
Lewis David 
Hamilton Hall 
Geo Hogendobler 
E S Goldsmith 
P S Richards 
Thos Stockton 
Peter Lambert 
Geo Solady 
John Smith 
Wakefield Thomas 
SimphonLubers 
J Ely 

G W Felton 
Anthony Felton, jr 
Martin Kill 
G A Low 
John Gallaher 
John Craig 
Gasp. Puff 
Arnold Conrad 
M Krill 
Saml McAlony 
L R Peters 
Geo Savitts 
Saml Frame 
Jas Vanrodden 
Dan Welsh 
S Brookes 
Wm Srope 
Peter Speaker 
Jos Doolittle 
Albert Weitzel 
Harlin Harper 
C Wolfe 
Paul Simpson 
Deacon Holtz 
Gustavus Mignard 
John F Schell 
A F Bregy 
Wm Vanzyle 
G W Lord 
Jno Ely 

Thelwell Russell 
Edward Jones 



79 



James Clark 
Thos Staley 
M Hetfron 
R G Tomlinson 
Edward Heysham 
Alfred Deal 
T B Quinn 
Thos Fisher 
Wm Husband 
Geo W J Ball 
A Reeves Jackson 
Wm Tully 
Thos Jones 
Wm Armstrong 
Wm Brown 
John Bower 
John Bower jr 
T W Rymel 
Chas W James 
Andrew Hague 
Joseph Titcherson 
John Milligan 
Robt Rittenhouse 
Thomas Brower 
John Broch 
Christian Snyder 
Conrad Yearsly 
Wm Hitchraft 
Wm Johnson 
Chas Brady 
John Selene 
Wm Mathias 
John Goodman 
Hugh Rodgers 
Geo Jackson 
James Muldoon 
Wm Rodgers 
John S Watson 
Jas Parker 
John H Martin 
Patrick Oakliffe 
Harman Kurtz 
John Deer 
Bernard Butts 
David Fource 
F Lesher 
Chas Leeke 
Peter Little 
P T K Callahan 
John Birch 
Wm S Jones 
Mich'l Hembacher 
L Jackson 
Wm Oldham 
John Snag 
Nathan Pettit 
John Hayel 
Hugh Wright 
Sam Cravent 
G Boyer 
Jas Whale 
Chas Cannis 
Thos Johns 



Henry McTabe . 
M George 
G H Peters 
John Carston 
H S McMurtrie 
Caleb Smith 
Philip Scott 
Robt Lawson 
Right Hamond 
Thos Wipple 
Borland Tiece 
M P Hibbs 
A Felton 
Chas Felton 
Mich Crouse 
Thos Kelly 
Thos Griswold 
Lois Herpin 
John Beal 
Dan'l Buist 
Sam'l Dunn 
Jas Killon 
Geo Thomas 
Martin Painter 
Geo Pennis 
S R Williams 
Jacob Vanrodden 
J Snagg 
Jas Thatcher 
Ulrick Srope 
Johanan Twetsel 
Geo Robinson 
A Swartz 
Simon Gittis 
Gardner Fulton 
Saml Hippee 
J Tubby Prestman 
Maurice Patterson 
Henry Boyer 
M C Hart 
John Manning 
J Philbin 
L Berrin 
Isaiah Reed 
P S Workman 
James Crosson 
Wm Byerly 
John Cook 
Thompson Tully 
E Girls 
John Tack 
J Tomlinson 
Washington Jackson 
Wm Hays 
Joseph Watts 
Wm Henson 
Wm Taylor 
John Brown 
Chas Thames 
Philip Divine 
Hugh McKinley 
Geo W Gampher 
John Gampher 



R R Lovette 
Henry T Grout 
Henry Kreider 
John Kuntz 
W Dickson 
J W Doyle 
Saml Bevairs 
Joseph Bevairs 
Robt Tyler 
John M Coleman 
C B F O'Neil 
James Wray 
Chas Enoch 
G F Gordon 
Wm Smith 
A Cohen 
WS Toy 
H H Edwards 
W A Christian 
J A Johnston 
Geo T Elliott 
James Tully 
Conrad Bossard 
Peter Suters 
Wm A Maylone 
George Smith 
Saml Bilinger 
Wm Jefferson 
W Crosby 
Wm Johnson 
Lyman Thayer 
Wm H Todd 
Wm Dickinson 
John Griffith 
Edward Bilinger 
R Somoredike 
Thomas Blight 
F S Suters 
Robt Winters 
Jabez Scott 
Geo P Abbott 
Wm A Beckett 
Aronson Abel 
Michael Bradfield 
Moses Bradley 
Augustus Henshaw 
Thos H Osborne 
A Allen 

Joseph C Hoffer 
John E Fox 
L L Webster 
D S Duval 
Wm Hesser 
John Hengy 
J Sinclair Hickey 
John & I Venable 
Henry R Weiland 
Edward S Collins 
Jacob App 
Wm Baldt 
Samuel Painter 
Isaac Faunce, jr 
John Fullerton 



80 



A D Fulmer 
Geo D Hoffman 
James Stillman 
Adam Hill 
Thos T Vaughan 
Conrad Baker 
Geo Mangel 
Wm Wilson 
Sanderson Mott 
Perry Davis 
S G Norton 
Turman Webster 
Samuel Brown 
Christian Rinsimer 
Henry Robson 
James Robson 
George Strockbine 
James Monrow 
A F Gibbons 
Anthony Longstreth 
Edward Lafferty 
Lesmore Tully 
Pat Donohough 
Richardson Willcox 
Butler R Price 
T P Somerville 
Joab Lucenbough 
Hiram McCalester 
D H Canbilling 
Stephen Fouber 
Geo Ford 
Isaac Walker 
Robinson Walton 
Wainright Matthews 
Walter Laning 
John Stewart, N L 
S F Fox 
Walter Truman 
G F H Sanderson 
P S Goodrich 
WmChrson 
Eaton Howell 
T E Spencer 
John A Down 
Geo Yocum 
S P Weyman 
Lafayette Bond 
John Cameron 
John Cameron jr 
H B Mooney 
Peter Gaul 
Hunt Hunt 
Wilton Wallace 
Joseph Z Hunt 
Thomas Butler 
George Lind 
E J Parnel 
Simon Young 
Ralph Parrish 
John Keller 
R A Smith 
GCalbreath 
John Moore 



JohuWinch 

W R Bald 

Joseph F Oldfellow 

C P Jones 

JRStackhouse 

Maguire, Deringer & Co 

B H Gillinbre 

M P Simons 

Danl Lafferty 

Paul Denckla 

P SCrider a 

ChsPDare 

James Lewis 

Jacob Moser 

Wm Rheiner 

Mark Anthony 

Joseph Florence 

William Clent 

Simon Gaul 

P G Blakes 

J B Desbourgh 

A B Sterne 

A Cordell Smith 

William Wtfkins 

JohnS Smith 

H B Sowers 

TH Brownbon 

Barnard & Co 

Samuel F Smith 

James S Chambers 

R W Slocomb 

Joseph Younge 

George Surick 

Samuel Beam 

Jacob Warner 

Isaac Dickes 

Wm Rifford 

Geo M Doughty 

Christian Rinshimer 

Wm Parr 

John Bumme 

Wm Souden 

Henry Smith 

James Lutz 

Wm Wisper 

William Fisher 

John Davis 

William Nuskey 

Christian Dison 

W B Spratts 

Charles A Mayer 

A J Pemberton 

H J Birckhead 

R A Crawford 

A D Bache 

Wm H Read 

M Somerville 

W Stone 

W Lovitt 

Jas W Stokes 

Jno Chesny 



A Doosen 
Robert Spratts 
Inskeep Shackelford 
E W Smith 
S T Early 
Lowber & Eunew 
C W Sinclair 
A Kirk 
B C Duplaver 
Conrad Smith 
John Foster 
Robert McCuIly 
Thomas Wright 
Frederick Auford 
David Scott 
James Godfrey 
Lewis Nurkey 
John Smith 
Jacob Strouce 
Adam Baldwin 
Christian Pote 
John Laquin 
Caspar Grissom 
John Alderman 
Michael Alderman 
Benjamin Wight 
Henry M Pote 
Richard Bumm 
D E Dailey 
Geo E Weiss 
Jacob'Jones 
Andrew J Wester 
Wm Young 
Geo Pennington 
Wm A Lentz 
Philip Miller 
Geo Rotan 
Samuel Reese 
Alex Young 
Daniel Davis 
Philip J Wall 
Edward McNelly 
Simon T Shugart 
Francis Davis 
J W Boys 
Robert Young 
Chas T Davis 
John Lafbury 
James K Manning 
Geo M Williams 
W A Bradshaw 
S B Pettit 
W S Kennady 
Andrew Klett 
Geo M'Cullen 
M Lazarus 
Wm Sassman 
Wm Clark 
Peter Owens 
Henry Ycager 



81 



John Loudensohl 
Charles Mathews 
Chas J Arthur 
Jacoh Fow 
Geo Young 
John F Warner 
James Atherly 
Joseph Fow 
Isaac Britz 
Theobald Stoukel 
J Geisenberger 
W Monally 
Wm S Thomas 
John White 
Joseph Morris 
Robt M Coleman 
H D Rapp 
Wilson Kerr 
James Mahoney 
Wm Dawson 
Francis Farley 
Jno McStocker 
C L Steinrook 
Chas H Taylor, M D 
Nich Coleman 
J M Lukens 
John McLaughlin 
Wm Mulholand 
Wm B Marshall 
Theodore Stevenson 
Zebulon Young 
Louis Rell 
Peter Crook 
Isaac Roberts 
Alex Rortz 
Thomas B Sweeny 
T Henderson Smith 
R Bartle Bacon 
Saml Haymar 
Edward Muldoan 
Arthur Queen 
Conrad P Boeker 
Henry Mersar 
Wm Flick 
Henry Richardson 
Henry Clothier 
Benj Housekeeper 
Chas H Cramp 
Jacob Shenher 
James Stewart 
Wm Rial 
George Walter 
William J Jones 
Eli Fullerton 
Wm H Bennett 
Henry Hayne, Sr 
Jacob Strickle 
David Dcnnu 
Wm Learrer 



Thos W Vaughan 
Wm Adams 
George Wiedersutn 
John Wiedersum 
James Heiss 
Henry Weuler 
William Vandike 
Chas Corey 
Isaiah Reger 
A G Streper 
Saml Reafe 
Matthes Sihlald 
Daniel Hughes 
Geo Meichel 
Ebenezer Cable 
David Mewcely 
Edw Ewen 
Geo Goninger 
John F Koheen 
Chas Doron 
Geo Mengle 
Geo B Slort 
Wm B Vaughan 
Wm J McBride 
John F Wilson 
Joshua T Owen 
Thos E Martin 
Jos E Devitt 
John Conyers 
John E McCaully 
Nicholas Thome 
C D Howell 
Wm C Chambers 
Samuel B Falas 
James Magee 
George Weaver 
John Baker 
William Balett 
Valentine Dedeker 
Joseph S Snider 
Joseph Kletmen 
John Rittison 
Paul Wunder 
Joseph Paxson 
Samuel Hymas 
Jacob Kline 
Charles Hoffman 
John Hugarth 
Jesse Fowler 
John Franks 
John Knowles 
Henry Burman 
James Price 
Jno Spratts 
Wm McLelland 
Jno William 
D Hamaker 
Allen Garver 
Charles E Warburton 



James Plouden 

Peter Weller 

C B Ruby 

Jacob Fahaney 

Jno Johnson 

Augustus Maxwell 

Harry McCrea 

H C Cave 

S B Barcraft 

T S Warten 

W T Swartz 

Reed Bro & Co. 

Henry Hollingsworth 

D McKee 

Sparhawk, Dunton & 

Wurts 
Henry Fisher 
John Simon 
Wm Glenn 
Andrew Stoop 
John Stewart 
John Adams 
Henry Davis, Jr 
John Baldts 
Nicholas Glenson 
Michael Shubert 
Samuel Pote 
Jos Webster 
Nicholas Painter 
Ferdinand Storm 
James Kelly 
Jesse Swain 
John Samuels 
George Thompson 
Valentine Fennimore 
Patrick Yates 
David Tyson 
Charles Duflield 
Joseph Myers 
Andrew Hague 
Thos Godfrey 
Thos C Ebert 
John Fulmon 
John A Fisher 
Jacob P Gordon 
Geo E Shepherd 
Wm G Cramp 
W J Dickes, Jr 
Samuel Baker 
Benj F Holmes 
Wm H Faunce 
Thomas Williams 
Henry Shcrmer 
Wm Daniel 
Wm H James 
Edward M Johnson 
James Becknan 
Geo J Brandjletter 
Uriah Drake 



82 



Wm McCormick 
Wm P Good 
Joseph White 
Charles Carroll Mow 
Thos B Sweeny 
Robert Collins 
Josiah Sandman 
John Londbock 
Lewis Fow 
Thomas Morris 

Franklin Graver 

J L Cooper 

Jas Mickel 

John Atherley 

George Fow 

David Fow 

Henry Ristine 

Lewis Geiger 

C W Schober 

Thos Donocho 

J J Gumpper 

ChasGKeilig 

Richard Waldro» 

Morris Boon 

Wm Dittle 

Robert Huston 

David Moffatt 

David Lewellen 

John Crowthier 

Geo H Williamson 

Aaron Reeves 

John Mahony 

David Scott 

Andrew Smyth 

W T Haslam 
George Parker 
John Clifton 
Phillip HufTnagle 

Whelan Weir 
Wm Peterson 
Chas Vanstover 
Charles Wanhop 
CH Geehr 
Thos Hayes Jr 
George W Smith 
John Alderman 
Joseph Strock 
Geo Strockbin 
John Davis 
Wm Dougherty 
John Wagner 
C F Clothier 
Wm Evans 
John Hunter 
Wm Montgomery 
Henry Mengle 
Frederick Baldt 
Wm Cook 
Henry Teyson 
Jacob Shciat 
Jacob Clothier 



Henry B Johnson 

C V'Naumann 

Fred Outekimert 
ry Valentine Lloyd 

C Allewe 

Joseph P Wightman 

WH Roland 

John Bennett 

W Johnston 

W Smith 

George Faunce 

Chas W Robinson 

Jacob Goldey 

Gustavus Deschamps 

George W Goldey 

Alexander Hamilton 

John Smith 

Jacob Rambo 

Geo W Rambo 

Peter B Schmull 
Benj H Fullerton 
Geo J Wealeen 
George W Shoester 
Nicholas Corndaffer 
Matthias Edel 
Samuel Painter 
Joseph Vaughan 
Isaac B Dare 
Saml Lacount 
Michael Mecabe 
Geo Hesler 
Stacy Wilson 
Nicholas P Murphy 
Martin Murphy 
H Murphy 
John J Murphy 
James M Muryhy 
Henry Thouron 
G W Morgan 
Wm P Good 
James Steel & Co 
Hiram Ayres 
Thos Wattson & Sons 
James S Black 
Baldwin Hopkins, Sr 
W E Drake 
Jacob Broom 
George Toombs 
Tho6 English 
Robt Porter 
Peter Simpson 
Andrew Park 
Oscar Webb 
James Clark 
James Maginnis 
John Felton 
D A Davis 
Wm Byrne 
Jas W T McCallister 
D H Strong 
H Wilmer 



J B Euffington 

Perry McGonegal 

James Murphy 

Thos Malone 

Frederick Jordan 

Manderson McDonou^h 

R S White 

J A White 

Timothy Barger 

A F Short 

J Blair Smith 

C W Short 

J Cleeves Long 

Frank Johnson 

Chas Johnson 

Franklin Lafferty 

Alexander Hickey 

Edward Harris 

J H Anderton 

Orkli Nancread 

John Hudson 

S S Nagle 

V F Wachsmuth 

Wm Debeaufre 

Joshua A Pearson 

J C De Haven 

Isaac Powell 

Edmond Barrington 
Bowen Menagh 
Joseph Paul 
George W Heyberger 
Charles Miller 
E Safford & Co 
Jos H Downing 
J Merton 
J Watson 

J P Laudsdown, Jr 
Harrison Hall 
Edward McCrea 
Jas R Woolson 
Wm McCallister 
James Goodman 
John Mulford, Jr 
John B Mulford 
Geo W Huntzinger 
George J Graff 
E Coles Lambert 
George F Goodman 
Peter Wager 
Joel B Sutherland 
Wm Dilworth 
Saml Branson 
Henry D Landis 
James M Vance 
Wm S Levering 
Chas C Watson, Jr 
Wein Forney 
Daniel J Cochran 
John Eckstein 
Rev H E Montgomery 



83 



James S Pr ingle 
Sampson Tarns 
Wm J Waiawright 
W B Thompson 
James Barratt 
Lea, Bunker & Co 
Nathl Waldron 
McKeen, Bone & Co 
S J Christian & Co 
Brown & Qodwin 
S & E Castner 
Workman & Co 
James Logan 
Thomas Snowden 
John C Montgomery 
Edmund Wilcox 
Jacob Snider, Jr 
Richard H Bayard 
Browns & Bowen 
John Devereux 
Barnett, Nesbit & Garret- 



Thos All 
Paul Eencaide 
Armally Peters 
Geo Stewart 
Martin Patton 
J W Rockhill 
T W Rockhill 
Chas Sheppard 
Truitt, Brother & Co 
Edw F Wattson 
Chas Boggs 
Zadock Sturgis 
RRush 

Saml L Crutzborz 
J McCarskadele 
Geo W "Vantine 
J W Ashmead 
Robt H Howard 
Saml B Ashmead & Co. 
Wm M McClure 
S S Rennels 

Addicks, Van Dusen & 
Smith 



Oswald Thompson 

Wm H Maurice 

Charles Schneck 

Wm Warner 

Wm Shriver 

Wm Clausen » 

J P McCosker 

Richard Garwood 

N Hicks Graham 

Solomon Conrad 

R W Robbins 

Thomas H Craige & Co. 

Chas Brothers 

James H Cochran 

Jas G Martin 

John A Neff 

E Beidelman 

Hieskell & Hoskins 

Junkert & Butler 

Wood, Abbott & Co 

J L Erringerr 

HR Mifflin. 

A L Mason 



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